tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-25363539487328098172024-03-11T11:03:02.898+00:00ORION CONGO STUDIES NETWORK (OCSN)FREE CONGO AND ORION CONGO STUDIES NETWORK (OCSN)
"Free person will bring free ideas to free the Democratic Republic of Congo."
OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.comBlogger423125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-49949962380057906292021-12-31T20:14:00.000+00:002021-12-31T20:14:12.141+00:00DR Congo: All the president’s promises. Congo’s president has not kept his word<h1 style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: Calisto MT, serif;"><span style="font-size: 24px;">DR Congo: All the president’s promises</span></span></h1><h1 style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: Calisto MT, serif;"><span style="font-size: 24px;">Congo’s president has not kept his word</span></span></h1><div><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: Calisto MT, serif;"><span style="font-size: 24px;"><br /></span></span></div><div><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT", serif; font-size: 18pt;">From free schools to peace in the east, Félix
Tshisekedi has failed to deliver</span></div><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEi9a-CcB5FxY2CXJ147T7SaFbbKjW1ZcuiMiDkHGdOk80jV-4-qe8UJJchyEzBJl9S1v5kP1TBLxVzNDSxJlYmyAC1F46l-aKAifC88oZWOiGiqJiHiRUfNMP2Ci5SVcXV_jZyzFZMjWYx0EBqFLtVkGXNLrgSw7Cv0YRwyhvmKkSgyFlrPnGJ_9YY0dw=s602" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="338" data-original-width="602" height="280" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEi9a-CcB5FxY2CXJ147T7SaFbbKjW1ZcuiMiDkHGdOk80jV-4-qe8UJJchyEzBJl9S1v5kP1TBLxVzNDSxJlYmyAC1F46l-aKAifC88oZWOiGiqJiHiRUfNMP2Ci5SVcXV_jZyzFZMjWYx0EBqFLtVkGXNLrgSw7Cv0YRwyhvmKkSgyFlrPnGJ_9YY0dw=w498-h280" width="498" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT", serif; padding: 0cm; text-transform: uppercase;">L</span><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #0d0d0d; line-height: 107%; padding: 0cm;">ouis bahati</span></span><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT", serif; line-height: 107%;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: start; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span style="font-size: medium;">,</span><span style="font-size: 15pt;"> a teacher at a primary school in Goma, a city in
the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo, has not been paid for more than
two years. Struggling to feed his family and on strike for a second time, he
took up a job painting a neighbour’s house. When a passing pupil spotted him,
he was humiliated. “My class mocked me,” he says. “The student told them that
he had seen their teacher, covered in dirt, doing this painting work.”</span></span><span style="font-size: 15pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT",serif; font-size: 15.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Although Mr Bahati has been a teacher at a
state school for six years, he has not yet been added to the government
payroll. This meant that when President Félix Tshisekedi (pictured) announced
that primary education would be free from September 2019—which was one of his
main election promises—Mr Bahati stopped receiving any pay. Like thousands of
other teachers who were not on the books, he relied on fees from parents. After
the president’s announcement, they stopped paying.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT",serif; font-size: 15.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p> </o:p></span><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT", serif; font-size: 15pt;">The snag with the president’s pledge was that
his government does not have enough money to pay teachers’ wages. Even some of
those who were on the payroll had their salaries chopped in half, to $140 a
month in most cities and $90 in villages. When teachers went on strike for two
weeks in October, schoolchildren stormed parliament chanting, “We want to
study,” and “If we do not study we will end up on the streets taking drugs.”</span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEiiwK7CwkvUPm77a433ZaMLmlKaINJry4PT401wvhj_iNmyt5Oo07bZVo0dxvTAFe9K29urVxiHRlleNkBtalrXSuEFJyynL4WnoO_GN9___wuuyNbRQTgQIuaJ9EPDMiFwYiSQ-9A-JYeZnt3vR4W4lFVxY1RrOrGIkO_LPvMqHzd_oXH16FialblgBQ=s548" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="548" data-original-width="451" height="411" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEiiwK7CwkvUPm77a433ZaMLmlKaINJry4PT401wvhj_iNmyt5Oo07bZVo0dxvTAFe9K29urVxiHRlleNkBtalrXSuEFJyynL4WnoO_GN9___wuuyNbRQTgQIuaJ9EPDMiFwYiSQ-9A-JYeZnt3vR4W4lFVxY1RrOrGIkO_LPvMqHzd_oXH16FialblgBQ=w478-h411" width="478" /></a></div><br /><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT",serif; font-size: 15.0pt; line-height: 107%;">To make matters worse, scores of fake
teachers working at non-existent schools have somehow made their way onto the
payroll, according to a report by the Inspectorate General of Finance. It
revealed that some $31m earmarked for education had been embezzled. This
prompted the World Bank to suspend its first payment of the $800m it had
committed in support of Mr Tshisekedi’s free-schooling programme. The
government has since told teachers that they will be paid in January, which
encouraged some to go back into their classrooms. But many, including Mr
Bahati, do not believe the government and are still on strike.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT",serif; font-size: 15.0pt; line-height: 107%;"> </span><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT", serif; font-size: 15pt;">The fiasco highlights a wider problem: Mr
Tshisekedi’s tendency to promise the moon. As well as his pledge of free
primary schooling, he also campaigned on a vow to bring peace to the east of
the country and to stamp out corruption. The electorate seems to have placed
little faith in these undertakings. In presidential elections in 2018 he came a
distant second, with about 19% of the vote, according to an independent tally
by the Catholic church. It said the poll had been won by Martin Fayulu, a
charismatic anti-corruption campaigner. Mr Tshisekedi nonetheless claimed
victory and came to power, seemingly after a back-room deal with the outgoing
president, Joseph Kabila, whereby he is alleged to have promised to leave the
unpopular Mr Kabila in control of much of the state.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT",serif; font-size: 15.0pt; line-height: 107%;"> </span><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT", serif; font-size: 15pt;">Since then, however, Mr Tshisekedi has
cunningly managed to distance himself from his predecessor, form a new
coalition and consolidate his grip on power. He has even managed to fire some
of Mr Kabila’s closest allies, including the chairman of Gécamines, the
national mining company and piggy-bank to Mr Kabila’s friends. Its former
chairman, Albert Yuma Mulimbi, has been accused of diverting more than $8bn in
revenue from copper and cobalt mining. Even so, the president can hardly claim
to have stamped out graft. Since he came to office Congo has slipped by nine
places to 170th out of 180 in a ranking compiled by Transparency International,
an anti-corruption watchdog.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT",serif; font-size: 15.0pt; line-height: 107%;"> </span><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT", serif; font-size: 15pt;">The president has also made little progress
in honouring his pledge to restore security and defeat the armed groups that
have terrorised eastern Congo for 25 years. More than 5.5m people who have been
forced from their homes are still unable to return. Many live in miserable
camps that are sometimes attacked by rebels. In November a militia stormed one
in Ituri province, killing 44 people. Soon after that an armed group kidnapped
two aid workers near Goma. In a bid to restore order Mr Tshisekedi imposed martial
law on two of the bloodiest eastern provinces in May, though to little effect.
In November he allowed troops from neighbouring Uganda to cross the border to
attack one of the more dangerous groups, the Allied Democratic Forces (adf), a
militia that has links to Islamic State, after it detonated bombs in Kampala,
Uganda’s capital. But this has not made locals feel any safer. Many fret that
the Ugandan troops will outstay their welcome and plunder the region’s
minerals, as they did during Congo’s second civil war, which raged from 1998 to
2003.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT",serif; font-size: 15.0pt; line-height: 107%;"> </span><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT", serif; font-size: 15pt;">To be fair, Congo is not an easy place to
run. “Tshisekedi has the hardest job in Africa,” says Piers Zvegintzov, a
security adviser based in the capital, Kinshasa. It entails “managing an
impossible coalition of adversaries while desperately trying to build a real
power base, drive through reforms and not get assassinated.” Trying to win a
fair contest in the next presidential election in 2023 must now be added to
that list. Some worry that because Mr Tshise kedi has failed to honour any of
his campaign pledges, he may simply try to rig the vote. “There are two ways to
stay in power,” says a ruling-coalition mp who asked not to be named. “One is
to become popular by doing the work you promised—another is to be strategic.”
By “strategic” he means cheating, adding that “Tshisekedi has gone for the
latter.”</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT", serif; font-size: 15pt;">Lawmakers have appointed one of his allies,
Denis Kadima, as the head of the electoral commission. The constitutional
court, which would have the final say if the vote were contested, is being
stacked with Mr Tshisekedi’s loyalists. The Catholic and Protestant churches,
which are among the few respected institutions in Congo, have criticised Mr
Kadima’s appointment. So have opposition parties, which say it will erode trust
in the election. “We will intensify our protests until they depoliticise the
electoral commission,” says Mr Fayulu. But the protesting has not gone well.
When a sit-in was organised outside the electoral commission in November,
truckloads of heavily armed police blocked the road leading to it. At another
rally there were clashes between protesters and Mr Tshisekedi’s supporters,
some of whom the president has allegedly shipped in from his home region, the
Kasai provinces.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT",serif; font-size: 15.0pt; line-height: 107%;"> </span><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT", serif; font-size: 15pt;">As for those living under Mr Tshise kedi’s
rule? “Life is unmanageable, we are even struggling to eat,” says Mr Bahati. “I
do not see any change with this regime.” It is unfortunate, then, that the
regime seems set on staying.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT",serif; font-size: 15.0pt; line-height: 107%;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT",serif; font-size: 15.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><a href="https://www.economist.com/middle-east-and-africa/2021/12/09/congos-president-has-not-kept-his-word">By
The Economist</a><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT",serif; font-size: 15.0pt; line-height: 107%;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal">
</p><p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT",serif; font-size: 15.0pt; line-height: 107%;"> </span></b></p><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: "Calisto MT", serif; font-size: 18pt;"></span><p></p>OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-52439831378536028062021-07-01T23:12:00.001+01:002021-07-01T23:12:46.858+01:00L’histoire méconnue d’une production rizicole ratée : Feronia Inc. en République démocratique du Congo<h1 style="text-align: left;"> L’histoire méconnue d’une production rizicole ratée : Feronia Inc. en République démocratique du Congo</h1><div><span style="font-size: large;">01/07/2021</span></div><div><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgogByEEiQSmvAZ3W6Pg8-5Zw5P5I7IJf15wZHHWaMko64sd6jvPCUKWTJkoluHqvePqnwhvnfrXRL1BWpxncidgI5QthRF__Z6OxAwO_YWuWOLFnUPHW6VI42gff0gNFxpy2lOrgdFxHCG/s800/red_oxide_feronia.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="481" data-original-width="800" height="289" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgogByEEiQSmvAZ3W6Pg8-5Zw5P5I7IJf15wZHHWaMko64sd6jvPCUKWTJkoluHqvePqnwhvnfrXRL1BWpxncidgI5QthRF__Z6OxAwO_YWuWOLFnUPHW6VI42gff0gNFxpy2lOrgdFxHCG/w482-h289/red_oxide_feronia.png" width="482" /></a></div><br /><div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">Meurtres, accaparement des terres, engagisme. Voici quelques-unes des accusations portées par des communautés de RDC à l’encontre de Feronia Inc., une entreprise canadienne qui a reçu plus de 150 millions de dollars de financement de la part de banques européennes de développement.</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">La plupart de ces accusations troublantes concernent les grandes plantations de palmiers à huile situées dans les provinces de l’Équateur et de la Tshopo, que l’entreprise a rachetées à Unilever en 2009. Mais les premières années de Feronia en RDC avaient aussi pour projet une grande ferme rizicole au Bas-Congo qui, selon l’entreprise, permettrait à terme de libérer le Congo de sa dépendance vis-à-vis des importations alimentaires.</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">En 2016, Feronia avait déjà englouti au moins 14 millions de dollars dans ses projets rizicoles avant de brutalement « mettre fin » à toute sa division « Arable Farming » en 2017, sans aucune explication. Quelques années plus tard, Feronia déclarait faillite et à la fin 2020, ses plantations de palmiers à huile passaient aux mains d’un fond de capital-investissement.</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">On soupçonne depuis longtemps que les projets agricoles de Feronia servaient de façade pour transférer des fonds à un éminent homme politique congolais qui avait facilité l’entrée de Feronia en RDC. Les accusations d’éventuelle corruption étaient bien connues quand la banque britannique de développement, le CDC Group et d’autres banques de développement ont commencé à financer Feronia. L’entreprise comme les banques de développement <a href="https://www.cdcgroup.com/en/news-insight/news/a-briefing-on-our-investment-in-feronia/" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: darkgreen; text-decoration-line: none; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" target="_blank">ont contesté</a><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"> ces accusations et aucune enquête sérieuse n’a jamais été menée.</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">Les nouveaux éléments d’information évoqués ci-dessous fournissent des raisons supplémentaires de soupçonner que la division Arable farming de Feronia était peut-être impliquée dans des activités frauduleuses, alors même que l’entreprise recevait des fonds de plusieurs banques de développement. Cela suffira-t-il à déclencher une enquête en bonne et due forme pour déterminer le rôle que le financement de Feronia par les banques de développement a pu jouer dans la corruption en RDC ?</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">Des liens étroits avec le plus proche conseiller de l’ancien président Joseph Kabila</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">En 2009, quand Feronia a acheté PHC, l’entreprise de plantation de palmiers à huile d’Unilever, la transaction s’est faite via une entreprise des Îles Caïman, Feronia JCA Limited. « JCA » faisait référence à la SARL Jean Collette Afrique, une entreprise détenue à 100% par Kikaya Bin Karubi, homme politique de haut niveau, alors très proche du président de la RDC Joseph Kabila. Lorsque Kabila accède au pouvoir en 2001, Karubi devient ministre de l’information, avant d’être nommé ambassadeur au Royaume-Uni en 2009. En 2014, il est rappelé à Kinshasa où il devient conseiller principal du Président jusqu’à la chute de Kabila en janvier 2019.</span></div></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-size: 16px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEilBZ78QroER1fL8MeKeQsAy1IB0_7Zu7TA09VjcqPJTYvH0R6a83JuNn3rabezJ7n10XKjPD38Hez4afrjLfqJyFLmmdGKhzyOMnHwaJFQPiM65exFbyjw8zaA67HZdBMsXCHPEVoaG0ci/s600/KBK.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="600" data-original-width="600" height="464" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEilBZ78QroER1fL8MeKeQsAy1IB0_7Zu7TA09VjcqPJTYvH0R6a83JuNn3rabezJ7n10XKjPD38Hez4afrjLfqJyFLmmdGKhzyOMnHwaJFQPiM65exFbyjw8zaA67HZdBMsXCHPEVoaG0ci/w464-h464/KBK.jpg" width="464" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-weight: 700;">À propos de Dan Gertler, magnat corrompu de l’industrie minière,</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-weight: 700;"> l’homme </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-weight: 700;">politique congolais Kikaya Bin Karubi (ci-dessus) répond</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-weight: 700;"> à Bloomber</span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-weight: 700;"> News : « Ce n’est pas un Gertler qu’on veut, mais 10. »</span></div><div><br /></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">À travers son entreprise Jean Collette Afrique, Bin Karubi détenait 20% de l’entreprise Feronia JCA Limited enregistrée aux <span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;">Îles Caïman. Mais un an seulement après son arrivée en RDC, Feronia affirme avoir racheté les 20% de Bin Karubi ainsi qu’une ferme qui lui appartenait située juste en-dehors de Kinshasa, à Kasangulu, pour un total de quelque 2,2 millions de dollars. Karubi a également perçu chaque année 120 000 dollars de loyers pour sa maison de Kinshasa (pendant qu’il était ambassadeur au Royaume-Uni) ainsi qu’une rémunération pour sa participation au conseil d’administration de Feronia.</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">En 2012, <a href="https://ca.proactiveinvestors.com/companies/news/86528/feronia-confirms-no-affiliation-with-feronia-uganda-limited-29690.html">un communiqué de presse</a><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><a href="https://ca.proactiveinvestors.com/companies/news/86528/feronia-confirms-no-affiliation-with-feronia-uganda-limited-29690.html"> </a>de Feronia affirme que la ferme de Kasangulu produit des mangues, des avocats et des ananas, mais la ferme n’est jamais mentionnée dans les rapports financiers de l’entreprise ni sur son site Internet. Elle n’apparaît pas non plus dans la procédure de faillite entamée par Feronia Inc. en 2020. Cette ferme que l’entreprise prétend avoir achetée pour environ 600 000 dollars a tout simplement disparu des registres de Feronia.</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">Ce que Feronia nomme sa division « Arable farming » concernait une autre ferme, plus grande, située près de la ville de Kimpese dans la région du Bas-Congo. Cette division agricole appartenait à la filiale Feronia de Kinshasa, Feronia JCA Ltd. SPRL, qui supervisait trois autres filiales congolaises : Feronia PEK (l’entreprise agricole de Kimpese), Kimpese Agro Industries (l’entreprise de transformation des récoltes) et Bas-Congo Ferti (responsable des achats d’engrais pour les divisions agriculture et huile de palme de Feronia).</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj7rbsh4mmCm4T_I1n5GltuUtCrm8Eo-I3lcD6A1RWaeFjpgGrBDaYnAH9Ngx19dTLq-ON0F3NRZa9ztacFedmAnf9XSJimHOIuM1rBWqssXv-IhoxG1sAHAaBJrpEcYxtpnWqfJjCXs9by/s600/fig_1a_FR.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="424" data-original-width="600" height="329" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj7rbsh4mmCm4T_I1n5GltuUtCrm8Eo-I3lcD6A1RWaeFjpgGrBDaYnAH9Ngx19dTLq-ON0F3NRZa9ztacFedmAnf9XSJimHOIuM1rBWqssXv-IhoxG1sAHAaBJrpEcYxtpnWqfJjCXs9by/w466-h329/fig_1a_FR.jpg" width="466" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhquKZD3b6cnnFxchE5kOpXRKm73XxjopcvrZFIyqt1cYEjKgB50mfqtaVk4Bh_8U5XRPHMvR7osIyq4AxwfPLOOb7PHRn05UWTCVqc756kyCxo10K_m2kX9qs0FX18I32AKudP1QSawnmh/s600/fig_1b_FR.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="424" data-original-width="600" height="357" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhquKZD3b6cnnFxchE5kOpXRKm73XxjopcvrZFIyqt1cYEjKgB50mfqtaVk4Bh_8U5XRPHMvR7osIyq4AxwfPLOOb7PHRn05UWTCVqc756kyCxo10K_m2kX9qs0FX18I32AKudP1QSawnmh/w505-h357/fig_1b_FR.jpg" width="505" /></a></div><br /><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">L’entreprise agricole Feronia PEK était détenue à 20% par Plantations et Élevages de Kitomesa, une entreprise locale qui semble être la propriété de la famille Tuluka (connue aussi sous le nom de Groupe Yaya). Selon les rapports d’entreprise de Feronia, Feronia aurait acquis sa ferme de 10 000 ha près de Kimpese auprès des propriétaires de cette entreprise, qui auraient reçu en échange une participation de 20% au capital de Feronia PEK.</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">Des documents de l’entreprise montrent aussi que l’entreprise Feronia JCA Ltd SPRL de Kinshasa était gérée par l’ancien patron de la plantation d’Unilever, Raymond Batanga, et était détenue à 20% par Bin Karubi au moins jusqu’en février 2014, date à laquelle l’entreprise a été dissoute et fusionnée avec le groupe Feronia. Cette entreprise a donc fonctionné encore longtemps après que le CDC Group et le fonds pour l’agriculture africaine (l’AAF, fonds mauricien géré par Phatisa et appartenant à de nombreuses banques de développement) ont commencé à investir dans Feronia.</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-size: 16px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><br /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-size: 16px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><br /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-size: 16px; text-align: center;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="347" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/0CdemylKMMk" width="418" youtube-src-id="0CdemylKMMk"></iframe></div></div></div><blockquote style="border: none; margin: 0px 0px 0px 40px; padding: 0px; text-align: left;"><blockquote style="border: none; margin: 0px 0px 0px 40px; padding: 0px; text-align: left;"><blockquote style="border: none; margin: 0px 0px 0px 40px; padding: 0px; text-align: left;"><blockquote style="border: none; margin: 0px 0px 0px 40px; padding: 0px; text-align: left;"><blockquote style="border: none; margin: 0px 0px 0px 40px; padding: 0px; text-align: left;"><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="color: #333333; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: times;">Politique africaine du gouvernement fédéral :</span></span></div></div></blockquote></blockquote></blockquote></blockquote><blockquote style="border: none; margin: 0px 0px 0px 40px; padding: 0px; text-align: left;"><blockquote style="border: none; margin: 0px 0px 0px 40px; padding: 0px; text-align: left;"><blockquote style="border: none; margin: 0px 0px 0px 40px; padding: 0px; text-align: left;"><blockquote style="border: none; margin: 0px 0px 0px 40px; padding: 0px; text-align: left;"><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="color: #333333; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: times;"> des millions pour les despotes</span></span></div></div></blockquote></blockquote></blockquote></blockquote></blockquote><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans";"><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">Une <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0CdemylKMMk">enquête </a>sur les dossiers de Feronia JCA Ltd SPRL, obtenus auprès du registre des entreprises de Kinshasa, a révélé toute une série de dépenses douteuses, dont des paiements non spécifiés pour « services » et des loyers de quelque 150 000 dollars annuels versés à Bin Karubi pour un appartement situé à une adresse différente de celle de sa maison. Feronia a reçu au moins<a href="https://grain.org/fr/article/5572-une-entreprise-d-huile-de-palme-en-rdc-soutenue-par-l-aide-au-developpement-est-confrontee-a-des-conflits-fonciers-et-des-operations-financieres-suspectes"> 28 millions de dollars de prêts</a> <span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;">grâce à cette entreprise et versé des millions de dollars de « services » pour des raisons non précisées dans les rapports financiers de Feronia Inc. Aux questions posées à Feronia par une équipe de journalistes allemands concernant les prêts accordés à Feronia JCA Ltd SPRL, le PDG affirme que l’argent a servi principalement à la construction d’une usine de traitement du riz à Kimpese et à la préparation des terres agricoles par Feronia PEK. Selon lui, au moins 8,6 millions de dollars ont été dépensés pour préparer la terre et 5,6 millions pour construire l’usine.</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">En 2011, Feronia annonce sa première production de riz à la ferme de Kimpese, affirmant avoir récolté sur 1 200 ha mais déplorant des rendements peu élevés. En 2012, l’entreprise récolte du riz sur 305 ha et plante 140 ha de haricots. La même année, la construction de l’unité de stockage du riz et de l’usine de traitement du riz de Kimpese est terminée. L’entreprise affiche fièrement sur son site Internet les photos des sacs de riz qu’elle vend avec le logo de Feronia.<span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;">a de haricotsh</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-size: 16px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></div><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEghEla80ku0PNwyMY1X4WtBuTUdAOmiCLPw1BV2YJBaGUNhyphenhyphenCqznZvVqCliogYGptr0-D0e-huMEQk4RivhjUlozwlh-02nxBrKU4t3EF0bt99F2LSOu5ug56lh7skCh_WpVcCiROe82ajM/s600/feronia_rice90788+-+Copy.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: large;"><img border="0" data-original-height="451" data-original-width="600" height="410" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEghEla80ku0PNwyMY1X4WtBuTUdAOmiCLPw1BV2YJBaGUNhyphenhyphenCqznZvVqCliogYGptr0-D0e-huMEQk4RivhjUlozwlh-02nxBrKU4t3EF0bt99F2LSOu5ug56lh7skCh_WpVcCiROe82ajM/w545-h410/feronia_rice90788+-+Copy.jpeg" width="545" /></span></a></div><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #414141; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: times;">Sacs de riz Feronia</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 16px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><br /></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">En 2014, Feronia déclare que les actifs de sa division agriculture représentent une valeur de 7 millions de dollars et que de lourdes dépenses dans cette division ont entraîné des pertes de 4,9 millions de dollars sur l’année. C’est à ce moment que l’enthousiasme de Feronia pour sa section agriculture commence soudainement à faiblir. Dans son rapport annuel de 2015, Feronia indique avoir passé un accord avec un « partenaire » non nommé pour mener une étude de faisabilité de sa division agriculture sur deux ans et un « test de dépréciation » qui ont révélé une charge de 3,5 millions de dollars. Les pertes déclarées dans la comptabilité atteignent 5,9 millions de dollars ; elles sont dues en grande partie aux charges de dépréciation.</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">Dans son rapport annuel de 2017, Feronia déclare 2 millions de dollars supplémentaires de pertes pour sa division agriculture et annonce mettre fin à ses activités agricoles suite à l’étude de faisabilité. Aucune raison n’est donnée pour expliquer la décision. Tant pis pour ce que le PDG de Feronia <a href="https://www.farmlandgrab.org/post/view/19937-agri-business-junior-on-the-cusp-of-profitability" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: darkgreen; text-decoration-line: none; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" target="_blank">avait un jour nommé</a><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"> « l’un des plus grands projets d’expansion agricole jamais entrepris ».</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">Luc Gérard entre en scène</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">Des informations obtenues via le compte Twitter de l’homme d’affaires belgo-congolais Luc Gérard Nyafé suggèrent que son entreprise, <a href="http://strategosplantations.com/">Strategos Plantations,</a> a été associée à l’usine de traitement du riz de Kimpese en 2017, ou même plus tôt (voir Encadré 1 : le groupe Strategos).<span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"> Ses tweets indiquent que Strategos a acquis l’usine à une date antérieure à 2017 et commencé à produire son propre riz avant 2018. On ne sait pas exactement si Strategos a également racheté la ferme de Kimpese. On ne sait pas non plus si le rachat de l’usine a eu lieu avant que la division palmier à huile de Feronia ne reçoive un prêt de 49 millions de dollars de la DEG (Allemagne), la FMO (Pays-Bas), BIO (Belgique) et d’autres banques de développement.</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-size: 16px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-size: 16px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div class="fr-img-space-wrap" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div class="fr-img-space-wrap" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span class="fr-img-caption fr-dib" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; display: block; float: none; margin: 5px auto; max-width: 100%; position: relative; text-align: center; text-rendering: optimizelegibility; vertical-align: top; width: 585px;"><span class="fr-img-wrap" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; margin: auto; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility; width: 100%;"><a data-caption="L’annonce de l’achèvement de l’usine sur le site Internet de Feronia en 2012 et le tweet de Luc Gérard du 4 novembre 2017 " data-fancybox="gallery" href="https://grain.org/system/attachments/sources/000/006/535/original/feronia_combo.png" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: darkgreen; text-decoration-line: none; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"></a></span></span></div></div></div><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; font-size: 16px; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEir9CGJoe4jd4IjT8WLyJBiphPAYEvqSmIFJW56kLqIhpOkz3NlKY6fiWd0fkYSlfcCLUYG1XZiHkdY0MU9jJlsWOf_fQhyphenhyphenk19U2D9_X3pM-8mrrtmtTIiaG3VHVoSIHnISN-U37uNPlAoF/s600/feronia_combo.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="312" data-original-width="600" height="270" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEir9CGJoe4jd4IjT8WLyJBiphPAYEvqSmIFJW56kLqIhpOkz3NlKY6fiWd0fkYSlfcCLUYG1XZiHkdY0MU9jJlsWOf_fQhyphenhyphenk19U2D9_X3pM-8mrrtmtTIiaG3VHVoSIHnISN-U37uNPlAoF/w520-h270/feronia_combo.png" width="520" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans";">L’annonce de l’achèvement de l’usine sur le site Internet de Feronia en 2012 et </span></div><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans";">le tweet </span><span style="font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans";">de Luc Gérard du 4 novembre 2017</span></div><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; font-size: 16px; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">GRAIN a demandé des éclaircissements à Strategos, mais l’entreprise a refusé tout commentaire. Voici sa réponse : <span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><em style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;">« Veuillez noter que même si Strategos Plantations a eu des relations commerciales avec Feronia par le passé, ces relations sont terminées. Veuillez également noter que nous ne sommes pas libres de révéler l’ampleur desdites affaires pour des raisons de confidentialité. »</em></span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">Ce qui est certain, c’est que Strategos a racheté une usine ayant autrefois appartenu à Feronia et dont la valeur serait d’au moins 8 millions de dollars, sans que les comptes de Feronia n’enregistrent la moindre trace de cette vente.</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-size: 16px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><br /></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-size: 16px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><br /></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; color: #5a6169; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: #b6d7a8; box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times;">Le Groupe Strategos</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; color: #5a6169; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="background-color: #b6d7a8;"><span style="font-family: times;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; color: #5a6169; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="background-color: #b6d7a8;"><span style="font-family: times;">Le Groupe Strategos (<a href="https://www.africaintelligence.com/exploration--production/2019/06/18/tshisekedi-ambassador-luc-gerard-still-looking-after-his-mining-interests,108361745-art">enregistré dans le paradis fiscal du Delaware, aux États-Unis) appartient à l’homme d'affaires belgo-congolais Luc Gérard Nyafé</a>. Celui-ci a fait fortune en Colombie où il s’est joint à des acteurs financiers locaux au bras long pour lancer un fonds de capital-investissement, Tribeca, qui a eu accès à des centaines de millions de dollars du fonds de pension national colombien. Il a également <a href="http://strategosplantations.com/" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; color: darkgreen; text-decoration-line: none; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" target="_blank">obtenu</a> un master en sécurité et défense de l’École supérieure de guerre colombienne. Gérard s’est rapidement lancé dans le secteur minier et les soins de santé privés. En 2015, il a jeté son dévolu sur la RDC.</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; color: #5a6169; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="background-color: #b6d7a8;"><span style="font-family: times;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; color: #5a6169; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: #b6d7a8; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times;">Le père de Gérard était propriétaire d’une plantation de café en RDC et il semblerait que Gérard ait investi dans l’agrobusiness en RDC dès les années 1990. Mais en 2015, il revient en force dans le pays, fonde la société Strategos Plantations, et rachète deux des grandes concessions de plantation d’Unilever et deux exploitations agricoles (dont celle de Feronia à Kimpese, semble-t-il).</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; color: #5a6169; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: #b6d7a8; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times;"><br /></span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #5a6169; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhi1VpFWnEX5DnQXWirW69BXs-yImD8dwSKxDI8KJdep_XU5VRE7LVWX3NvXbnb-rg0vubzGN_I6xFpicCBKr_AsXsVTa3-Z-JeR8UQCVrvLDR2vL8NMTgD5rZkknSMEBoIQFDAQYEtUIRe/s600/luc_gerard_03042020.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="background-color: #b6d7a8; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: times;"><img border="0" data-original-height="308" data-original-width="600" height="292" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhi1VpFWnEX5DnQXWirW69BXs-yImD8dwSKxDI8KJdep_XU5VRE7LVWX3NvXbnb-rg0vubzGN_I6xFpicCBKr_AsXsVTa3-Z-JeR8UQCVrvLDR2vL8NMTgD5rZkknSMEBoIQFDAQYEtUIRe/w571-h292/luc_gerard_03042020.jpeg" width="571" /></span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #5a6169; font-family: times; font-size: x-small;"><span style="background-color: #b6d7a8;">Luc Gérard en couverture de Forbes Africa. Luc Gérard Nyafé serre la main du Président</span></span><span style="background-color: #b6d7a8; color: #5a6169; font-family: times; font-size: small;">de la RDC </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: #b6d7a8; color: #5a6169; font-family: times; font-size: small;">Félix Tshisekedi</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="background-color: #b6d7a8;"><span style="font-family: times;"><br /></span></span></div><span style="background-color: #b6d7a8;"><span style="font-family: times;">Puis en 2018, avec l’élection de Félix Tshisekedi, Gérard prend un rôle bien plus important : nommé ambassadeur itinérant par Tshisekedi, il devient aussi l’un de ses principaux conseillers. Il est chargé de la lucrative zone économique spéciale de Maluku. Il met aussi en place une société minière, la Compagnie des minerais stratégiques (CMS) à Kinshasa en juin 2019, pour étudier les données géologiques de 17 projets miniers en RDC et au Mali, dont il avait fait l’acquisition en décembre 2018. En décembre 2020, Gérard est élu président du Parti d'Union Républicaine, un parti politique récemment formé en RDC.</span></span></div></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-size: 16px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="background-color: #b6d7a8;"><br /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-size: 16px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="background-color: #b6d7a8;"><br /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #5a6169; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">En 2020, Gérard<a href="https://twitter.com/Luc_Gerard/status/1276927860457066497"> a déclaré</a> que Strategos avait vendu son usine et ses activités rizicoles à Bio Agro Business (BAB), une entreprise congolaise profondément impliquée dans les projets agricoles du Président Felix Tshisekedi. L’un des dirigeants de<a href="https://www.bab-rdc.com/apropos.html"> </a><a href="https://www.bab-rdc.com/apropos.html">l’équipe de BAB </a><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #669966; outline: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><a href="https://www.bab-rdc.com/apropos.html">est Raymond Batanga (l’ancien directeur de Feronia JCA Ltd SPRL)</a><a href="http://www.bab-rdc.com/apropos.html" target="_blank">. L’un des autres acteurs clés de cette entreprise est l’agronome italien</a></span> <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/giovanni-mazzotti-20966b143/?originalSubdomain=it">Giovanni Mazzotti</a>, qui a travaillé auparavant pour le projet entaché de scandales mené par <a href="https://grain.org/fr/article/6384-la-lutte-contre-senhuile-continue">Senhuile</a><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"> au Sénégal.</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #5a6169; font-family: -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, "Segoe UI", Roboto, "Helvetica Neue", Arial, sans-serif, "Apple Color Emoji", "Segoe UI Emoji", "Segoe UI Symbol"; font-size: 15px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><br /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #5a6169; font-family: -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, "Segoe UI", Roboto, "Helvetica Neue", Arial, sans-serif, "Apple Color Emoji", "Segoe UI Emoji", "Segoe UI Symbol"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: 15px; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgXUSKYxt3GXXH7p-QmaQBBXvz6tW9Ngr1YQ3JOI98z2GV7xp5I9VYajDMcflb_8LRlUJaSIqXBTq7q-R4HsQf_nc8VOGgOTMp8JJk0LJaPV-QI8jjt76bK8nAuaHGbrXxmTKG444nU_D2D/s600/Screen_Shot_2020-10-29_at_5.55.24_PM.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="492" data-original-width="600" height="405" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgXUSKYxt3GXXH7p-QmaQBBXvz6tW9Ngr1YQ3JOI98z2GV7xp5I9VYajDMcflb_8LRlUJaSIqXBTq7q-R4HsQf_nc8VOGgOTMp8JJk0LJaPV-QI8jjt76bK8nAuaHGbrXxmTKG444nU_D2D/w495-h405/Screen_Shot_2020-10-29_at_5.55.24_PM.png" width="495" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: black; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans";">Tweet de Luc Gérard du 7 juin 2020</span></div><br /><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: black; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans";">Pour la distribution de son riz, BAB a passé un accord avec EGAL Sprl, une entreprise congolaise qui a été </span><a href="https://www.occrp.org/en/investigations/7234-drc-company-promised-cheap-food-delivers-stolen-money">accus<span style="color: black; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans";">ée</span></a><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; color: black; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><a href="https://www.occrp.org/en/investigations/7234-drc-company-promised-cheap-food-delivers-stolen-money"> d’avoir facilité</a> le détournement de millions de dollars vers les comptes bancaires d’acolytes de l’ancien Président Kabila à travers un programme gouvernemental de sécurité alimentaire qui était censé fournir à la population des produits alimentaires importés bon marché.</span></span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #5a6169; font-family: -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, "Segoe UI", Roboto, "Helvetica Neue", Arial, sans-serif, "Apple Color Emoji", "Segoe UI Emoji", "Segoe UI Symbol"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; color: black; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #5a6169; font-family: -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, "Segoe UI", Roboto, "Helvetica Neue", Arial, sans-serif, "Apple Color Emoji", "Segoe UI Emoji", "Segoe UI Symbol"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; color: black; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">La vacuité des mesures anti-corruption des banques de développement</span></span></span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #5a6169; font-family: -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, "Segoe UI", Roboto, "Helvetica Neue", Arial, sans-serif, "Apple Color Emoji", "Segoe UI Emoji", "Segoe UI Symbol"; font-size: 15px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; color: black; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-size: 16px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><br /></span></span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; color: black; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-size: 16px; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjZGRaoUnhNew0qK4oRad5OhTH31XoLM6WevGcmKG104BtFFEbZHJ1KRE2aUsiLb_musG1G2ZLguElXZAXTdTpDJcawCtJ9Jsz6DqPrS5mhR3DuE3Bsgn816RABRQu70uT-Kqs4eylSVmEp/s600/egal-bab.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="338" data-original-width="600" height="295" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjZGRaoUnhNew0qK4oRad5OhTH31XoLM6WevGcmKG104BtFFEbZHJ1KRE2aUsiLb_musG1G2ZLguElXZAXTdTpDJcawCtJ9Jsz6DqPrS5mhR3DuE3Bsgn816RABRQu70uT-Kqs4eylSVmEp/w524-h295/egal-bab.jpeg" width="524" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; color: black; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #414141; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: times;">Sacs de riz produits par BAB et distribués par EGAL Sprl</span></span></div><br /><span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><article class="post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail" id="post-6675" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div class="fr-view" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 10px; overflow-wrap: break-word; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: black; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span lang="fr-FR" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">Il est déplorable qu’aucune enquête n’ait jamais été diligentée pour déterminer comment les banques de développement ont pu favoriser la corruption en finançant Feronia. Le fait qu’elles investissaient dans une entreprise sise aux Îles Caïman et détenue en partie par le bras droit du Président Kabila, quelqu’un qui a publiquement défendu la corruption parmi les hommes politiques de RDC, aurait dû suffire à tirer la sonnette d’alarme sur l’indice de corruption.</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: black; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: black; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">Aujourd’hui, même si Feronia a fait faillite et que ses plantations congolaises de palmiers à huile se trouvent entre les mains d’un autre acteur du capital-investissement - qui semble encore plus inepte et sans scrupules que Feronia - quelqu’un doit rendre des comptes. Si la « finance pour le développement » a un sens quelconque, alors les banques de développement qui ont financé Feronia et les gouvernements qui sont censés les superviser doivent se justifier.</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: black; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: times; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="background-color: white; font-weight: 700;"><span style="color: #333333; font-size: large; vertical-align: inherit;"><span class="" style="vertical-align: inherit;">par GRAIN | </span><span style="vertical-align: inherit;">18 mai 2021 | </span></span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: times; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="background-color: white;"><span style="color: #333333; font-size: large;"><span style="font-weight: 700;"><span style="vertical-align: inherit;"><span class="goog-text-highlight" style="box-shadow: rgb(153, 153, 170) 2px 2px 4px; box-sizing: border-box; position: relative; vertical-align: inherit;">avec la contribution de </span></span><a href="https://ishiabakasonga.blogspot.com/"><span style="vertical-align: inherit;"><span class="goog-text-highlight" style="box-shadow: rgb(153, 153, 170) 2px 2px 4px; box-sizing: border-box; position: relative; vertical-align: inherit;">Ishiaba Kasonga, co-fondateur d' </span></span></a></span><b><a href="https://ishiabakasonga.blogspot.com/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="vertical-align: inherit;"><span class="goog-text-highlight" style="box-shadow: rgb(153, 153, 170) 2px 2px 4px; box-sizing: border-box; position: relative; vertical-align: inherit;">ORION CONGO STUDIES NETWORK (OCSN)</span></span></a></b></span></span></div></div></div></article><div id="single-article-footer" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: black; font-size: 16px; margin: 2em 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div class="addthis_inline_share_toolbox" data-description="En 2016, Feronia avait déjà englouti au moins 14 millions de dollars dans ses projets rizicoles avant de brutalement « mettre fin » à toute sa division « Arable Farming » en 2017, sans aucune explication. Quelques années plus tard, Feronia déclarait faillite. On soupçonne depuis longtemps que les projets agricoles de Feronia servaient de façade pour transférer des fonds à un éminent homme politique congolais qui avait facilité l’entrée de Feronia en RDC." data-media="/system/articles/logos/000/006/675/medium_large/red_oxide_feronia.png" data-title="L’histoire méconnue d’une production rizicole ratée : Feronia Inc. en République démocratique du Congo" data-url="https://grain.org/e/6675" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; clear: both; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div aria-labelledby="at-7cecb1d9-eb51-4a77-93cb-c4248f698571" class="at-resp-share-element at-style-responsive addthis-smartlayers addthis-animated at4-show" id="atstbx2" role="region" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; animation-duration: 0.3s; animation-fill-mode: both; animation-timing-function: ease-out; box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 0px; line-height: 0; margin: 0px; opacity: 1 !important; padding: 0px; position: relative; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"></div></div></div></span></span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-size: 16px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></div></div></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-size: 16px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><br /><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-size: 16px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><br /></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-size: 16px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><br /><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-size: 16px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><br /></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-size: 16px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><br /></div>OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-36865167793633602772021-07-01T21:49:00.002+01:002021-07-01T22:13:19.893+01:00The untold story of Feronia Inc's failed rice operations in the DR Congo<h2 style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: x-large;">The untold story of Feronia Inc's failed rice operations in the DR Congo</span></h2><p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">01/07/2021</span></p><p style="text-align: left;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj_jMiPP5veLCAmnL7ODFFE_TfaxZjzPJLS2cf_njllzebQ1IJmta5L8LyifCN0hSAaaSbmJOuIRhmszzzO_YsctR5T6bgJlKwJbXZX_e7QZ3BtGwV8oVbd-kWzJnx5KlgjtzKD80QGVjII/s800/red_oxide_feronia.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: times;"><img border="0" data-original-height="481" data-original-width="800" height="271" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj_jMiPP5veLCAmnL7ODFFE_TfaxZjzPJLS2cf_njllzebQ1IJmta5L8LyifCN0hSAaaSbmJOuIRhmszzzO_YsctR5T6bgJlKwJbXZX_e7QZ3BtGwV8oVbd-kWzJnx5KlgjtzKD80QGVjII/w452-h271/red_oxide_feronia.png" width="452" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: times;"><br /><span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-size: large;">Murder, land grabbing, indentured labour. These are some of the allegations that have been brought forward by communities in the DR Congo against the Canadian company, Feronia Inc, a company that received over US$150 million in financing from European development banks.</span></span></span><p></p><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">Most of these troubling allegations concern the company's vast oil palm plantations in Équateur and Tshopo Provinces that it bought from Unilever in 2009. But Feronia's initial years in the DRC also involved a large-scale rice farm and mill in the Bas-Congo that the company said would eventually save the Congo from its dependence on food imports.</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">By 2016, Feronia had sunk at least US$14 million into its rice operations before suddenly "discontinuing" its entire "arable division" in 2017 without explanation. A few years later, Feronia filed for bankruptcy and its oil palm plantations were handed over to a private equity fund in late 2020.</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">It has long been suspected that Feronia's arable operations were a front to channel funds to a high-level Congolese politician who facilitated Feronia's entry into the DRC. Allegations of possible corruption were well known when the UK's development bank, the CDC Group, and other development banks began financing Feronia. The company and the development banks <a href="https://www.cdcgroup.com/en/news-insight/news/a-briefing-on-our-investment-in-feronia/" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: darkgreen; text-decoration-line: none; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" target="_blank">denied</a> these allegations and no serious investigation was ever undertaken.</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">New information discussed below provides further reason to suspect that Feronia's arable division may have been engaged in corrupt activities while the company was receiving funds from development banks. Will this be enough to launch a proper investigation of how development bank financing of Feronia may have contributed to corruption in the DRC?</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">Feronia's deep involvement with former President Joseph Kabila's closest advisor</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">When Feronia acquired Unilever’s oil palm plantation company PHC in 2009, it did so through a Cayman Islands company called Feronia JCA Limited. The "JCA" was in reference to Jean Collette Afrique SARL, a company entirely owned by Kikaya Bin Karubi, a high level politician, very close to the DRC President Joseph Kabila. He served as Kabila's Minister of Information from the time Kabila took power in 2001 until he was named Ambassador to the UK in 2009. In 2014 he was summoned back to Kinshasa where he became Chief Advisor to the President until Kabila's fall from power in January 2019.</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiKFz2RYCBBgY4lcEaruy003CPxfAdFOAcCRIQQSZapSSpE20EE40HktkM9MLXMKIPMJ03-WczR-Bm1igkML6YesAkDcfP3DJRIbNVc03LQieMgSnaY8nS5P9fV2iLAI6GXLQqm3SqQ4mLy/s600/KBK.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: times;"><img border="0" data-original-height="600" data-original-width="600" height="412" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiKFz2RYCBBgY4lcEaruy003CPxfAdFOAcCRIQQSZapSSpE20EE40HktkM9MLXMKIPMJ03-WczR-Bm1igkML6YesAkDcfP3DJRIbNVc03LQieMgSnaY8nS5P9fV2iLAI6GXLQqm3SqQ4mLy/w412-h412/KBK.jpg" width="412" /></span></a></div><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: 700;"><span style="font-family: times;">When asked about the corrupt mining magnate Dan Gertler, </span></span></div><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: times;"><span style="font-weight: 700;">DRC politician Kikaya Bin Karubi (above) </span><a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2016-10-04/congo-backs-billionaire-gertler-after-u-s-och-ziff-allegations" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; color: darkgreen; font-weight: 700; text-decoration-line: none; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" target="_blank">told</a><span style="font-weight: 700;"> </span></span></div><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: 700;"><span style="font-family: times;">Bloomberg News: </span></span></div><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: 700;"><span style="font-family: times;">“We don’t want one Gertler, we want 10 Gertlers"</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div class="fr-img-space-wrap" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><p class="fr-img-space-wrap2" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px 0px 1em; overflow-wrap: break-word; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">Through his company, Jean Collette Afrique, Bin Karubi held 20% of Cayman Islands-based Feronia JCA Limited. But only a year after Feronia's entry into the DRC, Feronia claims that it bought back Bin Karubi's 20% as well as a farm he owned just outside of Kinshasa, in Kasangulu, for a total of around US$2.2 million. He was also paid US$120,000 per year as rent for the use of his home in Kinshasa (while he was in London as the Ambassador) as well as fees for his service on Feronia's Board of Directors.</span></p></div></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">In 2012, Feronia claimed in a<a href="https://ca.proactiveinvestors.com/companies/news/86528/feronia-confirms-no-affiliation-with-feronia-uganda-limited-29690.html"> press release </a>that it was growing mango, avocado and pineapple at this farm in Kasangulu but the farm was never mentioned in any of the company's financial reports or website nor was it part of Feronia Inc's bankruptcy proceedings in 2020. The farm, which the company says it acquired for around US$600,000, simply vanished from Feronia's books.</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">What Feronia referred to as its “arable” farming division revolved around another, larger farm near the town of Kimpese in the Bas-Congo region. This arable division was structured through Feronia's Kinshasa subsidiary, Feronia JCA Ltd SPRL, which oversaw three other DRC subsidiaries: Feronia PEK (the Kimpese farming company), Kimpese Agro Industries (the crop processing company), and Bas-Congo Ferti (which handled the purchase of fertilisers for Feronia's arable and palm oil divisions).</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjlACoh92Dh2f-p2nX2EmQC6zLnEqOpZi_34BuEBkir64DHWuofkRqQcS3CYeOw3L51t6RhnWbR_SY2VenvrEOFSdF3BrpSybAKif9brdSWiY6-ESOGHX0TmW7uuChV-fpxpaD_dfJ-L8qc/s600/fig_1a_EN.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: times;"><img border="0" data-original-height="424" data-original-width="600" height="315" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjlACoh92Dh2f-p2nX2EmQC6zLnEqOpZi_34BuEBkir64DHWuofkRqQcS3CYeOw3L51t6RhnWbR_SY2VenvrEOFSdF3BrpSybAKif9brdSWiY6-ESOGHX0TmW7uuChV-fpxpaD_dfJ-L8qc/w446-h315/fig_1a_EN.jpg" width="446" /></span></a></div><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: 700;"><span style="font-family: times;">Figure 1. Feronia's structure in April 2014</span></span></div><span style="font-family: times;"><br /></span><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div class="fr-img-space-wrap" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">The Feronia PEK farming business was 20% owned by Plantations et Elevages de Kitomesa, a local company that appears to be owned by the Tuluka family (a.k.a Yaya Groupe). Feronia's company reports indicate that Feronia acquired its 10,000 ha farm around Kimpese from the owners of this company, who were given a 20% share of Feronia PEK in return.</span></div></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">Company documents also show that Kinshasa-based Feronia JCA Ltd SPRL was managed by former Unilever plantation manager Raymond Batanga and was 20% owned by Bin Karubi until at least February 2014, when the company was disbanded and fused into the larger Feronia structure. This company was thus still in operation well after the CDC Group and the African Agriculture Fund (a Mauritius-fund managed by Phatisa and owned by numerous development banks) began investing in Feronia.</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="351" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/0CdemylKMMk" width="422" youtube-src-id="0CdemylKMMk"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">Africa Policy of the Federal Government: Millions for Despots</div><br /><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: times;">An </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0CdemylKMMk" style="font-family: times;">investigation</a><span style="font-family: times;"> into company records for Feronia JCA Ltd SPRL obtained from the Kinshasa business registry uncovered numerous dubious expenditures, including unspecified payments for "services" and a second rental payment of around US$150,000 per year to Bin Karubi for an apartment at a different Kinshasa address than that of his house. Feronia made at least</span><span style="color: #2b00fe; font-family: times;"> </span><a href="https://grain.org/article/entries/5564-land-conflicts-and-shady-finances-plague-dr-congo-palm-oil-company-backed-by-development-funds" style="font-family: times;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">US</span>$28 <span style="box-sizing: border-box;">million<span style="box-sizing: border-box;"> in loans</span></span> </a><span style="font-family: times;">through this company and paid millions of dollars for "services" for reasons that were not made clear in Feronia Inc’s financial reports. When questions were put to Feronia about its loans to Feronia JCA Ltd SPRL by a team of German journalists, its CEO claimed that they were spent mainly on the construction of a rice mill in Kimpese and the preparation of the farmland undertaken by Feronia PEK. According to him, at least US$8.6 million was spent preparing the land and US$5.6 million building the rice mill.</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">Feronia made its first announcement of rice production at the Kimpese farm in 2011, saying that it had harvested on 1,200 ha but that yields were low. In 2012, it harvested rice on 305 ha and planted 140 ha of beans. That year it also completed construction of its rice storage and mill facility in Kimpese. The company proudly displayed images of the bags of rice it was selling with the Feronia logo on its website.</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhBeXS2FCZ-Nh2-pB871ito5gUzo1F_mbg1Jdep1IQdCg_Xgh5OzgXwGoFza5JIUvNhXmHWDq88Xx9nYkaCbN7N_R42Xeb-n-B6HPUrnZWUb2XVrP4Bcwe1XCJwoeYg-wEeW33N5IfB0fBB/s600/feronia_rice90788.jpeg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: times;"><img border="0" data-original-height="451" data-original-width="600" height="341" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhBeXS2FCZ-Nh2-pB871ito5gUzo1F_mbg1Jdep1IQdCg_Xgh5OzgXwGoFza5JIUvNhXmHWDq88Xx9nYkaCbN7N_R42Xeb-n-B6HPUrnZWUb2XVrP4Bcwe1XCJwoeYg-wEeW33N5IfB0fBB/w453-h341/feronia_rice90788.jpeg" width="453" /></span></a></div><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #414141; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: times;">Bags of Feronia's rice</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times;"><br /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times;"><br /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times;"><br /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">In 2014, Feronia declared that the assets of its arable division were worth US$7 million, and heavy spending on the division pushed losses to US$4.9 million for the year. But it was at this point that Feronia's enthusiasm for its arable division suddenly began to wane. In its 2015 annual report, Feronia stated that it had entered an agreement with an unnamed “partner” to conduct a 2 year feasibility study of its arable division and an "impairment test", which revealed a charge of US$3.5 million. The claimed losses on its books climbed to US$5.9 million, mainly because of this impairment charge.</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">In the 2017 annual report, Feronia booked another $2 million in losses for its arable division and announced that, following the feasibility study, it was discontinuing its arable operations. No explanation was given as to why. So much for what Feronia's CEO<a href="https://www.farmlandgrab.org/post/view/19937-agri-business-junior-on-the-cusp-of-profitability"> once called </a>"one of the largest arable farming expansion programmes undertaken anywhere".</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">Enter Luc Gérard</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">Information obtained from the twitter account of Belgian-Congolese businessman Luc Gerard Nyafé suggests that his company, <a href="http://strategosplantations.com/?lang=en">Strategos Plantations</a>, became associated with the Kimpese rice mill in 2017 or earlier (see Box 1: Strategos Group). His tweets indicate that Strategos acquired the mill at some point prior to 2017 and began producing its own rice by 2018. It is not clear if Strategos also acquired the Kimpese farm. Nor is it known if the takeover of the rice mill took place before Feronia’s oil palm division received a US$49 million loan from DEG (Germany), FMO (Netherlands), BIO (Belgium) and other development banks.</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg6nclVEnc4ejSdAoQQYsXYS8aUMXTuncF54OE6nUMsQCqPtekeljx8RZTKTo7a7ZYuw7mGqurJLEnFMgLf8K_0RgGFYBh453vw41FChyphenhyphens2pQp6TBRiu0Xp-7xr3cN9FlrFU0z3VO1ssRVt/s600/feronia_combo.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: times;"><img border="0" data-original-height="312" data-original-width="600" height="251" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg6nclVEnc4ejSdAoQQYsXYS8aUMXTuncF54OE6nUMsQCqPtekeljx8RZTKTo7a7ZYuw7mGqurJLEnFMgLf8K_0RgGFYBh453vw41FChyphenhyphens2pQp6TBRiu0Xp-7xr3cN9FlrFU0z3VO1ssRVt/w484-h251/feronia_combo.png" width="484" /></span></a></div><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: 700;"><span style="font-family: times;">Feronia's website from 2012 announcing the completion of the rice </span></span></div><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: 700;"><span style="font-family: times;">mill and the tweet by Luc Gérard from Nov 4, 2017: “End of stay.</span></span></div><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: 700;"><span style="font-family: times;"> Agriculture: We are entering the Bas Congo by taking over an</span></span></div><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: 700;"><span style="font-family: times;"> existing factory. And in Kwilu things are moving slowly. The</span></span></div><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: 700;"><span style="font-family: times;"> road conditions and the permanent "taxing" of the</span></span></div><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: 700;"><span style="font-family: times;"> Policemen, DMG and others, make the </span></span></div><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: 700;"><span style="font-family: times;">work difficult.”</span></span></div><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br /></span><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div class="fr-img-space-wrap" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div class="fr-img-space-wrap" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div class="fr-img-space-wrap" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><p class="fr-img-space-wrap2" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px 0px 1em; overflow-wrap: break-word; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">GRAIN asked Strategos for clarification but they refused to comment. This was their response: "<em style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;">Please be informed that even though Strategos Plantations has had commercial relations with Feronia in the past, said relationships have terminated. Note further that we are not at privity </em><em style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;">(sic)</em><em style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"> to disclose the scope and/or extent of said business affairs due to confidentiality concerns.</em>"</span></p></div></div></div></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">What is clear is that Strategos acquired a mill reportedly worth at least US$8 million that was once owned by Feronia, without Feronia having registered any amounts for a sale of the mill in its accounts.</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: #b6d7a8; box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times;">Strategos Group</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="background-color: #b6d7a8;"><span style="font-family: times;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="background-color: #b6d7a8;"><span style="font-family: times;">The Strategos Group (<a href="https://www.africaintelligence.com/exploration--production/2019/06/18/tshisekedi-ambassador-luc-gerard-still-looking-after-his-mining-interests,108361745-art">registered</a> in the tax haven of Delaware, US) is owned by the Belgian/Congolese businessman Luc Gerard Nyafé. He made his fortune in Colombia, where he teamed up with some well-connected local financial players to start a private equity fund (Tribeca) that got access to hundreds of millions of dollars from Colombia's state pension fund. He also <a href="http://strategosplantations.com/?lang=en">received</a> a Master's in Security and Defence from the Colombian War School. Gerard soon got into the mining sector, as well as privatised health care, and in 2015 he turned his sites to the DRC.</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="background-color: #b6d7a8;"><span style="font-family: times;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="background-color: #b6d7a8;"><span style="font-family: times;">Gerard’s father was a coffee plantation owner in the DRC, and Gerard seems to have made some early investments in agribusiness in the DRC in the 1990s. But in 2015, he came back with much more force, founding the company Strategos Plantations, and taking over two of Unilever’s big plantation concessions and two farming operations (including, it seems, Feronia’s in Kimpese).</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="background-color: #b6d7a8;"><span style="font-family: times;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; color: #5a6169; font-size: 15px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg957hWztrusfAgpowBnd2lE7VhyD6r1xG9CHkOJuajQ3phsbDod0pNY9ualF1q-a0j_tO_AZlhBGIX-Joa_fYGMCxveapwApjFCnv3O0sWGsadMrV2lVmVViJJxGWbXLV2rNdaod9C040Z/s600/luc_gerard_03042020.jpeg" style="background-color: #b6d7a8; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: times;"><img border="0" data-original-height="308" data-original-width="600" height="250" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg957hWztrusfAgpowBnd2lE7VhyD6r1xG9CHkOJuajQ3phsbDod0pNY9ualF1q-a0j_tO_AZlhBGIX-Joa_fYGMCxveapwApjFCnv3O0sWGsadMrV2lVmVViJJxGWbXLV2rNdaod9C040Z/w488-h250/luc_gerard_03042020.jpeg" width="488" /></span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: #b6d7a8; font-family: times;">Luc Gérard on the cover of Forbes Africa; Luc Gérard Nyafé shaking </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: #b6d7a8; font-family: times;">hands with DRC President Felix Tshisekedi</span></div><span style="background-color: #b6d7a8;"><span style="font-family: times;"><br /></span></span><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="background-color: #b6d7a8; font-family: times;"><br /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="background-color: #b6d7a8;"><span style="font-family: times;">Then, in 2018, with the election of <a href="https://www.africaintelligence.com/exploration--production/2019/06/18/tshisekedi-ambassador-luc-gerard-still-looking-after-his-mining-interests,108361745-art">Felix Tshisekedi</a>, Gerard made a much bigger play. Tshisekedi made him an ambassador at large and one of his main advisors. He was handed the lucrative Maluku Special Economic Zone. He also formed a mining company, Compagnie des minerais strategiques (CMS) in Kinshasa in June 2019, to pursue the geological data for 17 mining projects in the DRC and Mali that he acquired in December 2018. In December 2020, Gérard was elected president of the Parti d'Union Républicaine, a recently formed national political party.</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times;"><br /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #5a6169;">In 2020, Gérard </span><a href="https://twitter.com/Luc_Gerard/status/1276927860457066497" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: darkgreen; text-decoration-line: none; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" target="_blank">claimed</a><span style="color: #5a6169;"> that Strategos sold the mill and its rice operations to Bio Agro Business (BAB), a Congolese company deeply involved in the agricultural projects of President Felix Tshisekedi. One of </span><a href="https://www.bab-rdc.com/apropos.html">BAB’s team</a><span style="color: #5a6169;"> leaders is Raymond Batanga (the former manager of Feronia JCA Ltd SPRL). Another key player is the Italian agronomist </span><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/giovanni-mazzotti-20966b143/?originalSubdomain=it">Giovanni Mazzotti</a><span style="color: #5a6169;">, who previously worked for the scandal ridden </span><a href="https://grain.org/e/6383">Senhuile</a><span style="color: #5a6169;"> project in Senegal.</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #5a6169;"><br /></span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: x-large; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhBBqaL6CV7rv9FDPWktBf8CBinRvwAB0XnZJqvquOcbCSUl0j4tT7ilyIpxp4zkPW87duLxg9xvKnj4bgkgsM_pxygYtKvx_h8TxA3jn_ImPKIo7AHwoTjOpmWTMwR3o7EUHWBLpgo7e9Y/s600/Screen_Shot_2020-10-29_at_5.55.24_PM.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="492" data-original-width="600" height="465" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhBBqaL6CV7rv9FDPWktBf8CBinRvwAB0XnZJqvquOcbCSUl0j4tT7ilyIpxp4zkPW87duLxg9xvKnj4bgkgsM_pxygYtKvx_h8TxA3jn_ImPKIo7AHwoTjOpmWTMwR3o7EUHWBLpgo7e9Y/w568-h465/Screen_Shot_2020-10-29_at_5.55.24_PM.png" width="568" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: 700;">Tweet from Luc Gérard on June 27, 2020: “No competition but complementarity,</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: 700;"> it is to BAB that we sold our Kimpese rice factory! We are handing it over to</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: 700;"> them to focus on corn!”</span></div><span style="font-size: large;"><br /><span>BAB has a distribution agreement for its rice with EGAL Sprl, a Congolese company that <a href="https://www.occrp.org/en/investigations/7234-drc-company-promised-cheap-food-delivers-stolen-money">was </a><a href="https://www.occrp.org/en/investigations/7234-drc-company-promised-cheap-food-delivers-stolen-money">accus<span style="color: darkgreen;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">ed</span></span></a><a href="https://www.occrp.org/en/investigations/7234-drc-company-promised-cheap-food-delivers-stolen-money"> </a>of facilitating the disappearance of millions of dollars into bank accounts of former President Kabila's cronies through a government food security programme that was supposed to provide people with cheap imported foods.</span></span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">Development bank policies on corruption are empty promises</span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-weight: 700; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi39fwJqPmsBYqxJkgTRCgCIor36s0b9EyFJcY_tmY0PI1BAp0bFvZ90SCQlbgSvEJDXMWAt2hTV39SQgaSJMLRvWVxHq7MX4Oo9hoLx3TikjdumcOzREHd0yEwbFPUU06dkJnHAfDPq2FG/s600/egal-bab.jpeg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="338" data-original-width="600" height="287" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi39fwJqPmsBYqxJkgTRCgCIor36s0b9EyFJcY_tmY0PI1BAp0bFvZ90SCQlbgSvEJDXMWAt2hTV39SQgaSJMLRvWVxHq7MX4Oo9hoLx3TikjdumcOzREHd0yEwbFPUU06dkJnHAfDPq2FG/w510-h287/egal-bab.jpeg" width="510" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-weight: 700; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #414141; font-weight: 500; text-align: left;">Bags of rice produced by BAB and distributed by EGAL Sprl</span></div><br /><article class="post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail" id="post-6674" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div class="fr-view" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 10px; overflow-wrap: break-word; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">It is a shame that no thorough investigation has ever been made into how development banks may have facilitated corruption in their financing of Feronia. The fact that development banks were investing in a company operating from the Cayman Islands that was part owned by President Kabila's right hand man, someone who has publicly justified corruption among DRC politicians, should have been enough of a red light on the corruption index.</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;">Feronia may now be bankrupt and its Congo oil palm plantations in the hands of a new private equity player, who seems even more inept and ruthless than Feronia, but someone needs to be held to account. If "development finance" means anything, that accountability must rest with the development banks that bankrolled Feronia and the governments that are supposed to oversee them.</span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large; font-weight: 700;">by GRAIN | 18 May 2021 | </span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-weight: 700;">with the contribution<a href="https://ishiabakasonga.blogspot.com/"> Ishiaba Kasonga, co-founder of </a></span><span><b><a href="https://ishiabakasonga.blogspot.com/">ORION CONGO STUDIES NETWORK (OCSN)</a></b></span></span></div></div></article><div id="single-article-footer" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700; margin: 2em 0px; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-size: large; font-weight: 300;"></span><div class="addthis_inline_share_toolbox" data-description="Feronia had sunk at least US$14 million into its rice operations before suddenly &quot;discontinuing&quot; them in 2017 without explanation. A few years later, Feronia filed for bankruptcy. It has long been suspected that Feronia&#39;s rice venture was a front to channel funds to a high-level Congolese politician who facilitated Feronia&#39;s entry into the DRC." data-media="/system/articles/logos/000/006/674/medium_large/red_oxide_feronia.png" data-title="The untold story of Feronia Inc&#39;s failed rice operations in the DR Congo" data-url="https://grain.org/e/6674" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; clear: both; font-weight: 300; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div aria-labelledby="at-d189f5dd-6263-415d-84c1-fe935ddb2191" class="at-resp-share-element at-style-responsive addthis-smartlayers addthis-animated at4-show" id="atstbx2" role="region" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; animation-duration: 0.3s; animation-fill-mode: both; animation-timing-function: ease-out; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 0; margin: 0px; opacity: 1; padding: 0px; position: relative; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"></div></div></div></span></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #5a6169;"><br /></span></span></div></div></div></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><div class="fr-img-space-wrap" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span class="fr-img-caption fr-dib" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; display: block; float: none; margin: 5px auto; max-width: 100%; position: relative; text-align: center; text-rendering: optimizelegibility; vertical-align: top; width: 585px;"><span class="fr-img-wrap" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; margin: auto; padding: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility; width: 100%;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><a data-caption="Bags of Feronia's rice " data-fancybox="gallery" href="https://grain.org/system/attachments/sources/000/006/522/original/feronia_rice90788.jpeg" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: darkgreen; text-decoration-line: none; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"></a></span></span></span></div></div></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;" /></span></div><div style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;"><a data-caption=" " data-fancybox="gallery" href="https://grain.org/system/attachments/sources/000/006/520/original/fig_1a_EN.jpg" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: darkgreen; text-decoration-line: none; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;"></a></span></div><span style="background-color: white; font-family: roboto, "open sans", "tenor sans"; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-59948471557831098072021-06-20T02:40:00.000+01:002021-06-20T02:40:46.746+01:00Twiggy’s great green energy quest<p> Twiggy’s great green energy quest</p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 18.0pt; text-align: center;"><i><span style="color: #555555; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">The mining magnate has landed back in
Australia after leading his Fortescue Metals Group on an audacious mission
motivated by his faith in green hydrogen as a replacement for fossil fuels.<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgMUAm04IkJnCa47sqBBggdm5cMYRgbC05xtJ_Dl0iRTupp8MrrQcRL3vp-zZEZOERMMgdsIR4EG163huUBH9FStc9ZSsa5-_O5QukWwJJPV8HLbwTj6coLGwkEYyotmQ4nccfKJ20nrnQM/s2048/f57bf9679ceb21c249e5874015f398349e6db494.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1153" data-original-width="2048" height="317" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgMUAm04IkJnCa47sqBBggdm5cMYRgbC05xtJ_Dl0iRTupp8MrrQcRL3vp-zZEZOERMMgdsIR4EG163huUBH9FStc9ZSsa5-_O5QukWwJJPV8HLbwTj6coLGwkEYyotmQ4nccfKJ20nrnQM/w564-h317/f57bf9679ceb21c249e5874015f398349e6db494.jpg" width="564" /></a></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><span style="background: white; color: #555555; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt; line-height: 107%;"> Andrew and Nicola Forrest
with Democratic Republic of the Congo President Félix Tshisekedi and first lady </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><span style="background: white; color: #555555; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Denise Tshisekedi.</span><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"> </span><o:p></o:p></p><div style="text-align: left;"><p style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 24.0pt;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Andrew Forrest has spent the past three months living out of a
suitcase, travelling from African outposts to Berlin, Paris and St Petersburg
on his great green energy quest.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">The
country’s richest man is back in Australia. He’s looking to turn his attention
to large-scale solar and wind energy projects at home after staking a <a href="https://www.afr.com/companies/energy/andrew-forrest-s-100b-congo-power-play-20210612-p580i3" style="border-bottom: transparent; border-image: initial; box-shadow: rgb(15, 108, 201) 0px -1px 0px 0px inset, rgba(15, 108, 201, 0) 0px 1px 0px 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-size: inherit; line-height: inherit; overflow-wrap: break-word; text-shadow: 1px 1px 0px, rgb(255, 255, 255) -1px 1px 0px, rgb(255, 255, 255) 2px 0px 0px, rgb(255, 255, 255) -2px 0px 0px; transition: all 0.2s ease-in-out 0s;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #0f6cc9; font-family: inherit, serif; padding: 0cm; text-decoration-line: none;">big claim on hydropower in Africa</span></a> and talking with Russia
about similar projects.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 24.0pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhdv195B_AQol5X-gZBaMkyAP9F2WpoxWVYDcM7OVey0gUOKF9dE7YVGLxRsMXtJn83LY4Ne-vAJAxQ6lMI1MEFFpNHMmCbA6F0DwZYArAF3Qn3dIcAgeoekMRfVHZP2MMAfKhRD5B4JvjG/s1200/703505965cf7039d2bbba5a35515bb6d0955b487.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="628" data-original-width="1200" height="278" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhdv195B_AQol5X-gZBaMkyAP9F2WpoxWVYDcM7OVey0gUOKF9dE7YVGLxRsMXtJn83LY4Ne-vAJAxQ6lMI1MEFFpNHMmCbA6F0DwZYArAF3Qn3dIcAgeoekMRfVHZP2MMAfKhRD5B4JvjG/w532-h278/703505965cf7039d2bbba5a35515bb6d0955b487.jpg" width="532" /></a></div><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #555555; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 9pt;"><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; font-size: 9pt;">Andrew Forrest rides a Buzkashi horse around
the grounds of the presidential palace in Kabul soon</span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; font-size: 9pt;"> after a terrorist attack
that almost killed the Afghan vice-president. </span> </div></span><p></p><p style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 24.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></p>
<p style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 24.0pt;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">All up, Forrest has spent eight months of this financial year on
the road while his Fortescue Metals Group has blasted away at iron ore mines in
Western Australia’s Pilbara and shipped the steel-making ingredient to China at
record prices. “We’ve been existing on three or four hours of sleep. It has
been a really tough trip,” he told <em style="box-sizing: border-box; overflow-wrap: break-word;">AFR
Weekend.</em><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Forrest
and wife Nicola were in Goma in the Democratic Republic of the Congo last
weekend, with the city still recovering from the shock of a deadly volcanic
eruption. He stood on the shores of Lake Kivu – where scientists were warning
magna flows could unleash a lethal cloud of gas – with DRC president Felix
Tshisekedi and signed up Fortescue for its greatest challenge.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">The
deal includes some wiggle room for both parties but gives Fortescue subsidiary
Fortescue Future Industries the inside running on developing Grand Inga, the
world’s biggest hydropower project which involves damming part of the mighty
Congo River.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">There’s
a massive question mark over whether it can be done after decades of hype and
false starts. One of those involved in the false starts was BHP, which looked
at a smaller incarnation of the project known as Inga 3.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">A
big problem holding back Inga projects over the years is that the power
generation involved is too much for African markets to handle.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">The
BHP proposal for Inga 3 included an anchor user in the form of a 2000-megawatt
aluminium smelter near the hydropower plant. The mining giant pulled out of any
deal with the DRC in 2012 and the World Bank followed in 2016.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Forrest
famously made his iron ore billions by picking up mining tenements in the
Pilbara that had been dropped or unwanted by the likes of BHP and Rio Tinto.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 24.0pt;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"> </span></p>
<p style="background: white; margin: 0cm;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Fortescue then had the example of
its bigger rivals to follow when it came to developing mines and export
infrastructure. But there are no maps for where Forrest is taking the company
now.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Apart
from the challenges in the Congo, Fortescue has had teams in Russia looking at
hydropower projects in that country’s far east.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<h2 style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 2.25rem; margin: 36pt 0cm 12pt; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><b><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Show
of solidarity</span></b><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 18.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p></o:p></span></h2>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Forrest
is looking to blaze a global trail in large-scale green energy, green hydrogen
and green ammonia production, and trying to find customers in a nascent market
while relying on technology to catch up.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">To
achieve his vision of making Fortescue a global energy player to rival the oil
and gas super majors, he only needs the world to get on board.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Since
leaving Perth in April, he’s visited Japan, South Korea, Indonesia, the United
States, Denmark, Germany, Netherlands, France, Jordan, Russia, Kenya, Djibouti,
DRC, Cameroon and Namibia.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">The
previous five-month trip took Forrest and his Fortescue team to 47 countries.
He narrowly avoided being caught up in a deadly terrorist attack in Kabul and
had to postpone a planned trip to Kyrgyzstan after <a href="https://www.afr.com/wealth/people/forrest-s-covid-19-ordeal-spanned-uzbekistan-to-switzerland-20210117-p56uoj" style="border-bottom: transparent; border-image: initial; box-shadow: rgb(15, 108, 201) 0px -1px 0px 0px inset, rgba(15, 108, 201, 0) 0px 1px 0px 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-size: inherit; line-height: inherit; overflow-wrap: break-word; text-shadow: 1px 1px 0px, rgb(255, 255, 255) -1px 1px 0px, rgb(255, 255, 255) 2px 0px 0px, rgb(255, 255, 255) -2px 0px 0px; transition: all 0.2s ease-in-out 0s;"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; color: #0f6cc9; font-family: "inherit",serif; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; padding: 0cm;">catching COVID-19 from a
Russian translator</span></a> and being airlifted to a Swiss clinic.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">But
Forrest may have dodged a bullet by catching the virus because the presidential
palace where he would have been staying in Kyrgyzstan was attacked and set on
fire by protesters following disputed election results.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Why
go to high-risk places such as Goma, Kabul and Kyrgyzstan in the middle of a
global pandemic when you’re a family man with a near $30 billion fortune and a
capable team of executives behind you?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">“You
go to places where the president knows that you don’t have to be there and you
are going there to show solidarity with the country,” Forrest says. “It is
depth of relationship with the administration of countries based on mutual
trust.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 24.0pt;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">“In every country where Fortescue has secured development
rights, it has an agreement with the sovereign leader that should it encounter
corruption in any form it will inform the leadership of that country, including
the president, who will announce that.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">“And
therefore everyone knows from the outset that the entire bidding and
construction process will be totally transparent and void of corruption.”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<h2 style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 2.25rem; margin: 36pt 0cm 12pt; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><b><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Deals
in DRC, Kenya, Ethiopia</span></b><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 18.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p></o:p></span></h2>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Forrest
was on his second visit to the DRC when he signed the Grand Inga deal. He
hasn’t gone back to some of the developing nations he visited on the first
stage of his green energy quest because they wouldn’t agree to conditions on
improving human rights, eliminating modern slavery and ending forced marriage.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Achieving
those admirable goals on top of massive investment deals won’t be easy in
Africa, a continent with a reputation for political instability and governance
issues.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg-WVjKg98P8kXyAMR6MHm6SOV1ASwCkGa5oe6ZHKwvUyn88rkJJHVDlHxgDKLvbwZ0tWKHiKA_izUceS_16TGZr4d5xzTFXg1dVUIILFNgqTnVgFluyojwkxM1QF-TangdMcT2D6x9EB1m/s269/download.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="187" data-original-width="269" height="316" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg-WVjKg98P8kXyAMR6MHm6SOV1ASwCkGa5oe6ZHKwvUyn88rkJJHVDlHxgDKLvbwZ0tWKHiKA_izUceS_16TGZr4d5xzTFXg1dVUIILFNgqTnVgFluyojwkxM1QF-TangdMcT2D6x9EB1m/w455-h316/download.jpg" width="455" /></a></div><br /><p style="margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 0.75rem;">The complex of the Inga Dams. The DRC is one of the most
challenging African nations to </span></p><p style="margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 0.75rem;">do business with. </span></p><p style="margin: 0cm;"><o:p></o:p></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word; text-align: start;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"></span></p></picture></figure>As
mining veteran and Firefinch chairman Alistair Cowden quipped this week after
striking a $250 million deal for China’s Ganfeng to buy a half share in a
lithium project in Mali: “The government is supportive, even if it keeps
changing.”<o:p></o:p><p></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">The
DRC is one of the most challenging of African nations to do business with. The
last election in 2018 was the first peaceful transfer of power in the country’s
history, though even that faced credible claims of being a stitch-up.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Forrest
says he has done deals for Fortescue on green energy and green hydrogen
projects in the DRC, Kenya and Ethiopia, with investors and financiers already
indicating a willingness to commit more than $US100 billion ($132 billion).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Grand
Inga alone carries a $US80 billion price tag and the development plan Fortescue
will lead includes associated port, green hydrogen and green ammonia
capability. A lot of the investment dollars would come from Europe, where
Forrest says there are customers eager to get their hands on green hydrogen.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 24.0pt;">Former investment banker and major infrastructure project overseer
Philippe Benoit has intimate knowledge of Grand Inga, a project hailed as being
able to produce 42,000 megawatts of electricity based on expansion of the existing
351-megawatt Inga 1 and 1424-megawatt Inga 2 plants.<o:p></o:p></p>
<h2 style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 2.25rem; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 36.0pt; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><b>‘Environmental
and social risks’</b><o:p></o:p></h2>
<p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;">Benoit
was the World Bank man in the DRC for four years and facilitated the last major
investment in an Inga project. He says the addition of transportable green hydrogen
capability would overcome what has been one of the great stumbling blocks to
developing Grand Inga – massive power generation way beyond regional demand.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 24.0pt; overflow-wrap: break-word;">In the past, it was
envisaged that a large transmission network stretching across multiple borders
would be needed to justify the investment. However, there was little appetite
for such a plan given credit question marks over the potential markets.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 24.0pt; overflow-wrap: break-word;">If technology allows
green hydrogen to be produced and transported at scale, getting it out of
Africa to the world shouldn’t be a huge stretch. Benoit points out that Inga is
close to the coast and that the region is not unfamiliar with big industrial
centres used to export fuel.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 24.0pt; overflow-wrap: break-word;">Just up the coast in the
Republic of the Congo, French oil and gas major Total – which aims to get to
net zero emissions by 2050 – has a major processing and export hub.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 24.0pt; overflow-wrap: break-word;">Benoit says that, while
the addition of green hydrogen reduces the market risk that has always
surrounded Grand Inga, it still comes with huge environmental and social risk.
The Great Inga plans involve building a much bigger dam than with Inga 1 and 2,
and flooding a valley. It’s estimated 25,000 people could be displaced.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 24.0pt; overflow-wrap: break-word;">Projects like these have
a troubled past. China displaced millions of people to build the Three Gorges
dam and hydropower project for less than half the megawatts promised by Grand
Inga.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 24.0pt; overflow-wrap: break-word;">“The environmental and
social impact are problematic and this is where weakness in DRC governance
systems tends to exacerbate the problems,” Benoit says.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 24.0pt;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">“Do you have comfort in solid safeguards to make sure whatever
number of people need to be displaced or are otherwise adversely affected are
compensated?”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Benoit
welcomed the Forrest pledge that any foreign entity or company that worked with
Fortescue in Africa would have to commit to training local workers so that they
build the infrastructure and power projects.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 24.0pt;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">However, Benoit thinks that is just the start and more will need
to be done to ensure economic benefits flow across a broad base of the DRC
population and many more homes get access to electricity.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">“This
is the jewel of the DRC and much of Africa,” he says. “There are extremely poor
people and how you treat those people will be very relevant to people’s
willingness on the investor side to back the project.”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">There’s
no doubt Forrest will have been talking to potential investors and financiers
about the environmental and social issues as well as the imperative to step up
the fight against climate change.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">“Fortescue
has secured the prime hydro sites across Africa to develop in excess of 100
gigawatts of power for green hydrogen product,” he says. “We have firm interest
for at least that amount in Europe and we are continuing to build relationships
across Africa, Latin America, Europe and Asia.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 24.0pt;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">“We are speaking to off-takers, governments and energy source
nations as we stitch together a global green hydrogen supply chain.”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">On
the first trip, the Fortescue travelling party split into multiple teams to
carry out the work, setting up bases in Croatia and the Turks and Caicos
Islands, north-east of Cuba, to regroup. On the latest tour, they stayed on the
road “going in and out of various stages of exhaustion”.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Forrest’s
private jet travel included a whirlwind of meetings with business leaders and
heads of state. He gave high-profile media interviews promoting green hydrogen
as a silver-bullet solution to climate change and railed against fossil fuels
and promoters of blue and grey hydrogen as part of the energy transition.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<h2 style="background: white; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 36.0pt;"><b><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Germany
and Russia responsive</span></b><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></h2>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">The
Fortescue founder and chairman made only two big announcements – the one in
Goma on Grand Inga and one in Berlin where he outlined the Fortescue strategy.
“Berlin leads Germany and Germany leads Europe in the fight against climate
change,” he says.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Forrest
told German publication <em style="box-sizing: border-box; overflow-wrap: break-word;">Handelsblatt</em> that
Fortescue wanted to be supplying at least 1.5 million tonnes of green hydrogen
a year by 2030 and to begin production next year.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">His
comments are being taken very seriously in Germany. Federation of German
Industries deputy director general Holger Losch told Handelsblatt that Forrest
had a “cool strategic view of what the world will need in the future: gigantic
quantities of hydrogen”.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Losch
and Forrest know one another through Hysupply, a project jointly funded by
Australia and Germany to explore a potential hydrogen partnership between the
two countries.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Forrest
also attended the St Petersburg Economic Forum and held high-level talks with
the Russian leadership about projects there. Russia’s ambassador to Australia,
Alexey Pavlovsky, says Forrest is interested in hydropower projects on river
systems in Russia’s far east.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">“He
came to the Russian Federation with ideas in the area of developing green
hydrogen. And these ideas are of interest to the Russian government, and to the
Russian companies, and now we are in the process of how it can be done,” he
says.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">Speaking
on the sidelines of the Australian Petroleum
Production & Exploration Association conference in Perth,
Pavlovsky confirmed meetings between Forrest and Russian ministers and state
corporations.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">“We’ve
got a lot of renewable resources, in fact 45 per cent of our energy generation
is produced from renewables by now, so it’s a huge potential and it could be
used to produce hydrogen, both as a raw material and an energy source,”
Pavlovsky says.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">“As
far as I know, he was targeting obviously hydro energy – we have powerful
rivers. As far as I know he has been targeting, and his team is looking at,
some regions in the far east of Russia, which is also good from the point of
view that we always highlight the far east of Russia as the area of preference
for co-operation with Australia.“<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 24.0pt;"><strong><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #111111; font-family: Georgia, serif;"><a href="https://www.afr.com/by/brad-thompson-gyvn7t"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; color: #111111; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; padding: 0cm;">Brad
Thompson</span></a></span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; overflow-wrap: break-word;"> & Financial Review</span></strong></p>
<p style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 24.0pt;"><span class="1gst1"><i><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #555555; font-family: Georgia, serif;">Reporter</span></i></span><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background: white; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 24pt 0cm 0cm; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><em style="box-sizing: border-box; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;">- with the contribution of Ishiaba Kasonga</span></em></p>
<p style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 24.0pt;"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p></div><p></p>OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-50383673910384220212021-02-11T11:51:00.001+00:002021-02-11T11:51:19.870+00:00Congo’s president is consolidating power two years after a rigged election<h1 style="border: 0px; color: #0d0d0d; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"></h1><h1 style="text-align: left;"></h1><h2 style="text-align: left;"><span class="article__headline" color="var(--ds-color-london-5)" data-test-id="Article Headline" itemprop="headline" style="border: 0px; display: inline-block; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: var(--ds-type-leading-upper); margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: large;">Congo’s president is consolidating power two years after a rigged election</span></span></h2><p style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-size: 20.25px;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><b>But to what end?</b></span></span></p><p style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: #0d0d0d;"><span style="font-family: arial;">09/02/2021</span></span></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgRCvYerjT0DDzNpFd6CjPrbRj3edzjD9CYwebGcBF-8fST-e0gqrf-QMysjgiOEtJ3Kj8_S1sRCYxSCJG0LLv_8ymw8ylPY9u9X4eDyL1uOBSIKF0Mh1_S1AH_D4SeZttYnDJI8NqsYX2d/s1280/20210213_map502.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="720" data-original-width="1280" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgRCvYerjT0DDzNpFd6CjPrbRj3edzjD9CYwebGcBF-8fST-e0gqrf-QMysjgiOEtJ3Kj8_S1sRCYxSCJG0LLv_8ymw8ylPY9u9X4eDyL1uOBSIKF0Mh1_S1AH_D4SeZttYnDJI8NqsYX2d/s320/20210213_map502.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><br /><span style="color: #0d0d0d; font-family: MiloTE, MiloTESec, Charter, "Bitstream Charter", "Iowan Old Style", "Calisto MT", serif; font-size: 20.25px;"><br /></span><p></p><p><span style="color: #0d0d0d;"><span style="font-family: arial;">IN THE LAWLESS eastern parts of the Democratic Republic of Congo, nomads and sedentary folk often clash. Cattle-rearing groups, such as the Tutsis, rub up against crop-growers over access to land. In the absence of a strong state, disputes can quickly turn to violence.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #0d0d0d;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiOlHEVH36Es0Hy3KyeljsG8QVCIc6mVoGKolA1n9yMSoYNFsck3Kta7lS7xkKQiuarH0dCjXThW6qqBjJ42DLplqVIKf7eT5-c1Dki1JfUDPlz2pDbwwDJMsZyZoWlhshEkfknRDdVs_pQ/s1089/20210213_MAM959.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1089" data-original-width="1000" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiOlHEVH36Es0Hy3KyeljsG8QVCIc6mVoGKolA1n9yMSoYNFsck3Kta7lS7xkKQiuarH0dCjXThW6qqBjJ42DLplqVIKf7eT5-c1Dki1JfUDPlz2pDbwwDJMsZyZoWlhshEkfknRDdVs_pQ/s320/20210213_MAM959.png" /></a></div><span color="var(--ds-color-london-5)" style="font-family: arial; font-style: inherit; font-variant-caps: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: inherit;"><p><span color="var(--ds-color-london-5)" style="font-family: arial; font-style: inherit; font-variant-caps: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: inherit;"><br /></span></p>By contrast, there are not many cows in the Gombe, the wealthy core of Kinshasa, Congo’s sprawling capital. Fresh milk comes in expensive pouches imported from Europe. Yet another type of nomadism obsesses the population: that of elected officials.</span><p></p><div class="article__body-text-image" style="border: 0px; color: #0d0d0d; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; grid-area: auto / 3 / auto / 9; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><p class="article__body-text" style="align-self: baseline; border: 0px; color: var(--ds-color-london-5); font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: var(--ds-type-leading-lower); margin: 0px 0px 0.875rem; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Few politicians are loyal to ideas or people. Instead they head to where the best grazing is. “The Congolese politician is the most unstable human ever to exist,” says Félix Momat Kitenge, until recently a minister in charge of the national budget. “He will change with the breeze.” Others call it, in French, “<em style="border: 0px; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">transhumance politique</em>” (political nomadism).</span></p><p class="article__body-text" style="align-self: baseline; border: 0px; color: var(--ds-color-london-5); font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: var(--ds-type-leading-lower); margin: 0px 0px 0.875rem; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: arial;">On January 27th several hundred members of Congo’s parliament put on their metaphorical walking boots and took a hike. They left the majority political grouping, the<em style="border: 0px; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> Front commun pour le Congo</em> (FCC), which is affiliated with Joseph Kabila, Congo’s president until 2019. Most joined two of the largest opposition parties in supporting a new majority called the “Sacred Union” set up by Félix Tshisekedi, who has been the president for the past two years. The prime minister, Sylvestre Ilunga Ilukamba, an ally of Mr Kabila’s, resigned. So did his ministers, including Mr Momat. A new government will now be appointed that will be closer to Mr Tshisekedi. On February 5th the president of the senate, Alexis Thambwe Mwamba, another of Mr Kabila’s allies, stepped down too.</span></p></div><div class="advert incontent hidden advert--inline" id="" style="background: rgba(242, 242, 242, 0.35); border: none; box-shadow: none; box-sizing: border-box; color: #0d0d0d; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; grid-area: auto / 3 / auto / 9; height: 0px; line-height: 0; margin: 0px; min-height: 0px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; text-align: center; vertical-align: baseline; width: 583.5px;"><div style="border: 0px; display: flex; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; justify-content: center; line-height: inherit; margin: 0.75rem 0px 0px; min-height: 90px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 583.5px;"><div id="econ-1" style="border: 0px; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"></div></div></div><p class="article__body-text" style="align-self: baseline; border: 0px; color: #0d0d0d; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; grid-area: auto / 3 / auto / 9; line-height: var(--ds-type-leading-lower); margin: 0px 0px 0.875rem; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Mr Tshisekedi’s ascent to the presidency, in rigged elections at the end of 2018, was an unexpected one. For much of his adult life he had lived in Belgium. He was given a place on the ballot largely because of the reputation of his late father, Étienne, a firebrand opposition leader who died in 2017. Electoral tallies compiled by the Catholic church suggested Mr Tshiskedi came second, with less than 20% of the vote, well behind Martin Fayulu, a charismatic anti-corruption campaigner. Yet Mr Tshisekedi, to the astonishment of many Congolese, was declared the winner, seemingly as part of a last-minute deal with the former president. The quid pro quo, allegedly, was that Mr Kabila kept control of much of the state, not least through his control of a large majority in parliament.</span></p><p class="article__body-text" style="align-self: baseline; border: 0px; color: #0d0d0d; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; grid-area: auto / 3 / auto / 9; line-height: var(--ds-type-leading-lower); margin: 0px 0px 0.875rem; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Mr Tshisekedi has been tussling ever since with Mr Kabila, who took power after the death of his father in 2001. Yet power has steadily flowed to him as he has appointed allies to key posts in the army and courts. He appears to have routed Mr Kabila more quickly and comprehensively than almost anyone predicted. “We thought it would be closer to 50/50,” says Manya Riche, a Congolese political analyst. “This totally surpassed that.”</span></p><p class="article__body-text" style="align-self: baseline; border: 0px; color: #0d0d0d; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; grid-area: auto / 3 / auto / 9; line-height: var(--ds-type-leading-lower); margin: 0px 0px 0.875rem; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Exactly how Mr Tshisekedi achieved this is unclear. Supporters of Mr Kabila (or at least those who did not swap sides) mutter that bribery must have been involved. There are whispers that some MPs took payouts of $7,000-15,000 to join the new coalition. Others may simply have been unnerved enough to switch sides by Mr Tshisekedi’s shrewd threat to call new elections (even if the costs and logistical difficulties of doing so made it somewhat hollow). He has also targeted allies of Mr Kabila with an anti-corruption drive. Foreign embassies, in particular America’s, have backed him loudly. Faced with the chance of lucrative positions under Mr Tshisekedi on the one hand, and prosecution on the other, many opted to migrate to the president’s greener pastures.</span></p><p class="article__body-text" style="align-self: baseline; border: 0px; color: #0d0d0d; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; grid-area: auto / 3 / auto / 9; line-height: var(--ds-type-leading-lower); margin: 0px 0px 0.875rem; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: arial;">What happens now? Mr Tshisekedi made big promises on coming to office, including providing free primary schooling, building infrastructure and reforming the electoral system. Almost none of that has happened. Most Congolese remain extremely poor. At the edge of a park near Congo’s parliament, a group of men playing backgammon say that the police have become a little less predatory in demanding bribes since the election. But jobs remain scarce. “The poor in Congo still suffer, while the rich continue to eat,” complains Eric Kayado, a 45-year-old petrol vendor. (“Eat”, in Congo, implies “embezzle”.)</span></p><div class="advert incontent hidden advert--inline" id="" style="background: rgba(242, 242, 242, 0.35); border: none; box-shadow: none; box-sizing: border-box; color: #0d0d0d; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; grid-area: auto / 3 / auto / 9; height: 0px; line-height: 0; margin: 0px; min-height: 0px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; text-align: center; vertical-align: baseline; width: 583.5px;"><div style="border: 0px; display: flex; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; justify-content: center; line-height: inherit; margin: 0.75rem 0px 0px; min-height: 90px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 583.5px;"><div id="econ-2" style="border: 0px; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"></div></div></div><p class="article__body-text" style="align-self: baseline; border: 0px; color: #0d0d0d; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; grid-area: auto / 3 / auto / 9; line-height: var(--ds-type-leading-lower); margin: 0px 0px 0.875rem; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Mr Tshisekedi has long argued that Mr Kabila’s control of parliament was a problem. “The system of Mr Kabila was to block [progress],” says Jacquemain Shabani, an official in Mr Tshisekedi’s party, the UDPS. Outside the party’s offices, a crowd of his supporters argue that their president has “chased away” Mr Kabila and will now bring them the changes they hope for. “He brought democracy,” says Darcin Mukendi. “Now he can work for the people.”</span></p><p class="article__body-text" style="align-self: baseline; border: 0px; color: #0d0d0d; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; grid-area: auto / 3 / auto / 9; line-height: var(--ds-type-leading-lower); margin: 0px 0px 0.875rem; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Yet a new majority may not make reform easier. The new government will not necessarily be stable, notes Ms Riche. The president’s new allies will be competing for a limited number of ministerial positions. Not every aisle-crosser will stay loyal. The economy remains weak and, for the moment, Mr Kabila retains his grip on a large part of it.</span></p><p class="article__body-text" style="align-self: baseline; border: 0px; color: #0d0d0d; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; grid-area: auto / 3 / auto / 9; line-height: var(--ds-type-leading-lower); margin: 0px 0px 0.875rem; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Some fear that Mr Tshisekedi may end up emulating Mr Kabila, whose final years in office were characterised by grotesque corruption and the merciless suppression of dissent. On coming to office Mr Tshisekedi released some 700 political prisoners and promised freedom of the press. Now he appears to be backtracking. On January 28th Human Rights Watch, a watchdog, accused Mr Tshisekedi’s government of having “arbitrarily arrested and detained, and prosecuted several dozen journalists, activists, and others deemed critical of the government”. In December eight activists from Lucha, a pro-democracy pressure group, were arrested for protesting against violence in Beni, a city in the east where militias massacred hundreds of civilians last year. It is too early to conclude that the new boss is the same as the old boss. But ordinary Congolese have cause to worry.</span></p><p class="article__body-text" style="align-self: baseline; border: 0px; color: #0d0d0d; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; grid-area: auto / 3 / auto / 9; line-height: var(--ds-type-leading-lower); margin: 0px 0px 0.875rem; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><br /></span></p><p class="article__body-text" style="align-self: baseline; border: 0px; color: #0d0d0d; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; grid-area: auto / 3 / auto / 9; line-height: var(--ds-type-leading-lower); margin: 0px 0px 0.875rem; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: arial;">The Economist</span></p>OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-68487870834686841342020-07-02T13:03:00.000+01:002020-07-02T13:03:22.923+01:00COMMENT DAN GERTLER, LE DIAMANTAIRE DE KABILA A TROUVÉ SON PARADIS FISCAL CHEZ AFRILAND CONGO CONTOURNANT LES SANCTIONS AMÉRICAINES?(LE MONDE , BLOOMBERG,GLOBAL WITNESS)<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-size: 18.6667px; font-weight: 700;">COMMENT DAN GERTLER, LE DIAMANTAIRE DE KABILA A TROUVÉ SON PARADIS FISCAL CHEZ AFRILAND CONGO CONTOURNANT LES SANCTIONS AMÉRICAINES?(LE MONDE , BLOOMBERG,GLOBAL WITNESS)</span></span></h2>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhyY49okkFIFyxalAVou6MfB2tuay9Qve6_R3CTKjDHOiFtYUc_yuKyWVm9tNfUEESn3EsqYmMgNI3CjUSomd0kSXkytMFPOArtSGI4NsBxT1fYsvzDRRSrh7OfnufzJu6zHUpQCtAiDzKp/s1600/gertler_and_kabila.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="902" data-original-width="1600" height="180" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhyY49okkFIFyxalAVou6MfB2tuay9Qve6_R3CTKjDHOiFtYUc_yuKyWVm9tNfUEESn3EsqYmMgNI3CjUSomd0kSXkytMFPOArtSGI4NsBxT1fYsvzDRRSrh7OfnufzJu6zHUpQCtAiDzKp/s320/gertler_and_kabila.png" width="320" /></a></div>
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Kabila et Getler</div>
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<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Il y a un an, en juin, un groupe de banquiers est entré dans un bureau du Trésor américain à Washington pour peut-être remplir une des missions les plus importantes de leur carrière: sauver un pays de l'effondrement financier. Parmi eux, Willy Mulamba, le plus haut dirigeant de Citigroup Inc. en République démocratique du Congo, un pays riche en ressources minières mais extrêmement pauvre en Afrique centrale.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Mulamba, un banquier congolais de 51 ans qui était rentré au Congo après des années à l'étranger, faisait partie d'une petite équipe désespérée pour dissuader les responsables du Trésor Américain de couper le Congo du système bancaire américain, même si des scandales de corruption tourbillonnant autour du président Joseph Kabila qui récemment a quitté le pouvoir , avait infecté plusieurs banques locales. Des entreprises mondiales, dont ING Groep NV et Commerzbank AG, avaient cessé de traiter la plupart des transactions en dollars du Congo par crainte de violer les règles anti-blanchiment des États-Unis ou les sanctions imposées aux généraux, aux responsables gouvernementaux et, en décembre 2017, à l'un des plus importants financiers de Kabila. : Dan Gertler. Le milliardaire israélien avait amassé une fortune "grâce à des centaines de millions de dollars d'opérations minières et pétrolières opaques et corrompues" a déclaré le Département du Trésor Americain.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; font-weight: 700; vertical-align: baseline;">AFRILAND FIRST BANK , UN PARADIS FISCAL AU COEUR DE KINSHASA</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">De retour à Kinshasa, la capitale du Congo, les banquiers se sont sentis rassurés. Ils ont tenu une conférence de presse affirmant leur intention de durcir les contrôles, et Mulamba a lancé un avertissement clair. "Je demande à nos banques et à nos autorités monétaires et politiques de se concentrer sur les questions de la lutte contre le blanchiment d'argent et le financement du terrorisme", a-t-il déclaré. «Nous sommes un secteur stratégique et nous devons être protégés.» Pour quiconque connaissait la finance congolaise, ce qu'il disait était évident: arrêtez de détenir de l'argent suspect, car un seul faux pas pourrait nous ruiner tous.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Ce que les banquiers ne savaient pas, c'est qu'à un kilomètre et demi du boulevard principal de Kinshasa d'où avait lieu la conférence de presse, dans un immeuble de deux étages avec des fenêtres réfléchissantes, une banque avait fait de la détention d'argent suspect son modèle économique, selon les documents fournis à Paris basée sur le groupe anti-corruption Platform to Protect Whistleblowers in Africa, connue sous son acronyme français Pplaaf, et partagée avec Bloomberg News.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">La banque était la filiale congolaise du groupe camerounais Afriland First Bank. Citigroup ne traitait pas les transactions en dollars pour l'unité, mais elle desservait la société mère - l'une des deux soi-disant banques correspondantes le faisant, selon le site Web d'Afriland.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">En janvier 2018, quelques semaines après que les États-Unis ont imposé des sanctions à Gertler, un ami de la famille nommé Shlomo Abihassira était entré au siège de Afriland à Kinshasa et avait ouvert un compte pour une société nouvellement enregistrée sous le nom imprononçable RDHAGD Sarlu, selon des documents bancaires. Au cours des cinq mois suivants, Abihassira, qui vit en Israël, a effectué 17 dépôts pour un total de 19 millions de dollars. En août, il a transféré les fonds en une seule fois sur un autre compte Afriland enregistré auprès d'une société appelée Dorta Invest SAU, selon les registres bancaires. Dorta Invest, créé par l'homme d'affaires français Elie-Yohann Berros, a envoyé la plupart des fonds à l'étranger à des destinataires, dont la plupart ne sont pas identifiés dans les documents.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Un peu plus d'un an après qu'Abihassira a ouvert le compte, les dénonciateurs ont partagé avec Pplaaf une cache de documents d'Afriland décrivant le flux d'argent. Avec l'aide de l’ONG de lutte contre la corruption basé à Londres, Global Witness, les chercheurs ont passé plus d'un an à comprendre les transactions. Ils ont parcouru les registres des entreprises accessibles au public, les déclarations des entreprises et les médias sociaux.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Ils ont découvert un réseau d'entreprises qui a vu le jour au Congo après l'entrée en vigueur des sanctions. Bien qu'Abihassira et Berros disent qu'ils n'ont aucun lien financier avec Gertler, leurs associations avec d'autres personnes liées à l'homme d'affaires israélien soulèvent des questions quant à savoir s'ils l'aidaient effectivement à continuer à faire des affaires après la mise en place des restrictions.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Quelles que soient les conclusions finalement tirées sur les relations de Gertler avec Afriland, les liens informels non divulgués offrent un aperçu de ce qui pourrait être décrit comme le problème du dernier kilomètre pour les régimes de sanctions financières. Les autorités de réglementation à Washington peuvent imposer des obligations importantes de connaître votre client aux banques telles que Citigroup. Mais en marge du secteur bancaire, dans les coins du monde où la corruption sévit, les règles fondées sur des concepts juridiques tels que la propriété effective ou le contrôle majoritaire peuvent sembler inefficaces face aux loyautés personnelles, aux obligations non écrites et aux documents d'entreprise impénétrables. En fin de compte, c'est un système qui s'appuie sur des dénonciateurs pour révéler la vérité.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">"C'est ainsi que, malgré les sanctions, Gertler semble avoir continué à récolter les vastes avantages financiers de son activité commerciale en RDC - un pays où plus de 72% de la population vit avec moins de 1,90 $ par jour", ont écrit Pplaaf et Global Witness. dans un rapport publié jeudi. Le rapport indique que les organisations ne peuvent pas prouver que le réseau a été utilisé pour échapper aux sanctions américaines et qu'il n'allègue aucun comportement criminel.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Gertler a refusé de commenter cette histoire ou le rapport. Mais dans une série de lettres à Bloomberg News et aux deux groupes, ses avocats de Carter-Ruck à Londres ont déclaré que les documents Afriland ne montraient pas que Gertler s'était engagé dans l'évasion des sanctions. Les avocats ont déclaré qu'il n'avait aucune relation commerciale avec Abihassira ou Berros. Ils ont également déclaré que les documents bancaires avaient été volés, que certains documents avaient été falsifiés et qu'un audit interne avait révélé que l'un des dénonciateurs avait volé de l'argent sur des comptes de clients indépendants. Ni Afriland ni les avocats de Gertler n’ont fourni de preuves pour cette dernière demande ou la preuve que des documents avaient été fabriqués.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Bloomberg, Le Monde à Paris et TheMarker, une publication commerciale en Israël, ont eu accès aux documents, conclusions et autres informations avant la publication du rapport. Au cours de plusieurs mois, Bloomberg a obtenu de manière indépendante des documents supplémentaires et s'est entretenu avec des personnes sur trois continents impliquées dans les opérations bancaires au Congo et aux États-Unis et connaissant l'application des sanctions pour confirmer et compléter les conclusions.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Le rapport décrit comment Gertler semble avoir été connecté à une structure complexe pour déplacer de l'argent à l'étranger, avec plus d'une douzaine de sociétés écrans, filiales, intermédiaires locaux et étrangers et un octogénaire vivant à Moscou. Bien que les documents bancaires ouvrent une fenêtre sur le réseau, ils ne montrent pas pourquoi les transactions ont été effectuées ni où, dans de nombreux cas, l'argent a abouti. Mais ils offrent des indices.Afriland était au centre du réseau. Fin 2018, les dépôts des entreprises et des particuliers liés d'une manière ou d'une autre à Gertler représentaient plus du tiers du total de l'unité de Kinshasa, qui avait presque quintuplé à 279 millions de dollars par rapport à l'année précédente, selon un audit de PwC examiné par Bloomberg. Qu'Afriland sache qu'il traitait des dollars liés à Gertler ou que ses procédures de conformité n'étaient pas suffisamment approfondies, la banque et ses employés s'exposaient à d'éventuelles sanctions et amendes en cas de violation de la loi américaine.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Afriland RDC et sa société mère au Cameroun n'ont pas répondu à de nombreuses demandes de commentaires. L'unité du Congo a déclaré à Global Witness et à Pplaaf qu'elle n'avait violé aucune réglementation ni aidé aucun de ses clients à contourner les sanctions américaines.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; font-weight: 700; vertical-align: baseline;">ABIHASSIRA, LE PROXY DE GERTLER CHEZ AFRILAND ?</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Abihassira, dont le père est le rabbin de Gertler en Israël, a déclaré dans un e-mail qu'il avait ouvert le compte chez Afriland pour investir dans l'immobilier à Kinshasa et que le nom de la société représentait Royal Development Housing and General Design. Abihassira, qui avait peu d'expérience au Congo, a confirmé les dépôts et les transferts à Dorta Invest. Il a dit qu'il rendait de l'argent qu'il avait emprunté à Berros après avoir renoncé à ses rêves immobiliers.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Patrick Klugman, un avocat à Paris qui représente Berros, a égalé le compte rendu par Abihassira. Il a dit que son client était un homme d'affaires dont les investissements au Congo n'avaient rien à voir avec Gertler.Ce manque de connexion n’aide pas à expliquer pourquoi, une semaine seulement après l’imposition des sanctions, Berros a créé une société portant le même nom - Fleurette Mumi Holdings - que celle précédemment utilisée par Gertler. Ou pourquoi Abihassira a engagé un avocat qui a travaillé pour Gertler pour enregistrer son entreprise. Ou pourquoi Berros et Abihassira ont ouvert des comptes dans la même petite banque congolaise que Gertler, ses entreprises et plusieurs associés utilisaient.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Abihassira a déclaré que le moment était fortuit et qu'il ne savait pas que l'avocat congolais qu'il avait engagé avait travaillé pour Gertler. L'avocat, Simon Niaku, a déclaré dans un e-mail qu'il n'avait pas aidé Gertler ou l'une de ses entreprises depuis que les sanctions avaient été imposées et ne l'avait jamais rencontré, bien que sa signature e-mail portait le nom et le logo de Jarvis Congo, l'une des entités sanctionnées de Gertler. . En moins d'une heure, Niaku a envoyé un deuxième e-mail demandant à Bloomberg d'ignorer tout ce qui ne le concernait pas dans le message précédent. Il n'a pas répondu à un e-mail de suivi lui demandant sa connexion à Jarvis.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Berros a déclaré à Global Witness et Pplaaf qu'il avait copié le nom de l'entreprise de Gertler parce qu'il le voyait comme un modèle entrepreneurial.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Aucun autre homme d'affaires n'exerce l'influence de Gertler au Congo au cours des deux dernières décennies. Descendant des diamantaires israéliens, il maîtrisait le commerce familial lorsqu'il était enfant. À l'âge de 23 ans, Gertler a atterri au Congo, pénétrant dans les ruines du règne de 32 ans de Mobutu Sese Seko. Un rabbin de Kinshasa l'a présenté à Joseph Kabila, alors âgé de 26 ans, qui est devenu chef de l'armée après que son père, le chef rebelle, a renversé Mobutu. Le jeune Kabila a pris la présidence quatre ans plus tard.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Au cours de plus de 20 ans d’amitié, Gertler a fait pression sur la Maison Blanche au nom de Kabila, a mené des pourparlers de paix secrets et est devenu le consul honoraire du Congo en Israël. Au début, Gertler traitait des pierres précieuses, détenant à un moment donné le monopole des exportations de diamants du Congo. Mais les véritables richesses du pays sont ses gisements de cuivre et de cobalt. Gertler a commencé à faciliter l'accès pour des sociétés minières telles que Glencore Plc et Eurasian Natural Resources Corp. Au lieu de vendre des pierres précieuses, Gertler faisait désormais affaire avec d'énormes mines et de gisements de pétrole.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Le ministère américain de la Justice a ouvert des enquêtes sur Glencore et le fonds spéculatif new-yorkais Och-Ziff Capital Management LLC. Le Serious Fraud Office du Royaume-Uni a lancé des sondes distinctes sur Glencore et ENRC. Entre autres choses, les enquêteurs ont examiné les accords impliquant Gertler.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; font-weight: 700; vertical-align: baseline;">Les sociétés de crédit-bail offshore de Gertler et ses réseaux</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Dans un accord conclu en 2016 avec le ministère de la Justice et la Securities and Exchange Commission, Och-Ziff, renommé depuis Sculptor Capital Management Inc., a admis son rôle dans un complot de corruption en Afrique. Un homme d'affaires israélien non identifié, qui serait Gertler dans une affaire civile connexe, a versé plus de 100 millions de dollars aux autorités congolaises pendant plus d'une décennie pour avoir accès aux droits miniers. Gertler n'a pas été accusé d'un crime dans ce cas ou dans tout autre, et il a nié. Glencore a déclaré qu'elle coopérait aux enquêtes, et ENRC a déclaré qu'elle n'avait rien fait de mal.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Pendant ce temps, l'emprise de Kabila sur le pouvoir se relâchait. Il avait remporté des élections en 2006 et 2011, mais la constitution lui interdisait de briguer un troisième mandat. Il a retardé le vote et lorsque ses forces de sécurité ont torturé et tué des manifestants, les États-Unis ont imposé des sanctions à certains de ses généraux pour le forcer à organiser des élections et à juguler les violations des droits de l'homme. Lorsque cela n'a pas fonctionné, c'est après que Gertler, qui a «agi pour ou au nom de Kabila», a créé des sociétés de crédit-bail offshore, a déclaré le département du Trésor lors de l'annonce de l'action en décembre 2017.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Les sanctions interdisaient à Gertler, à toute entreprise dans laquelle il détenait une participation majoritaire et à 19 entités désignées liées à lui de faire des affaires avec des banques américaines ou d'effectuer effectivement des transactions en dollars. Tous les actifs sous juridiction américaine pourraient également être gelés. En juin 2018, le Trésor a ajouté 14 autres entités à la liste en raison de leurs liens présumés avec Gertler.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Peu de temps avant l'annonce de décembre 2017, Gertler a réintégré et délocalisé plusieurs de ses sociétés au Congo depuis des juridictions offshore. Fleurette Mumi Holdings Ltd., une société enregistrée aux îles Vierges britanniques qui perçoit des redevances sur les deux mines de cuivre et de cobalt de Glencore, a été transférée au Congo et rebaptisée Ventora Development Sasu, selon les registres de la société. L'entité qui avait les droits d'exploration pour un bloc de pétrole à la frontière orientale du Congo a également été déplacée et renommée. Et Gertler a créé une nouvelle société holding au Congo appelée Gerco SAS, dont les propriétaires sont sa femme et neuf membres de sa famille, selon les documents.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Certaines banques au Congo, dont Citigroup, avaient longtemps refusé de prendre Gertler en tant que client, selon des personnes familières avec l'industrie. Mais Afriland a ouvert des comptes pour ses nouvelles sociétés, ainsi que pour Gertler, selon des documents bancaires. Il en a été de même pour Pieter Deboutte, le chef de longue date des opérations de Gertler au Congo, également sanctionné. Deboutte a déclaré que les fonds de son compte étaient destinés à un usage privé.Au total, Pplaaf a reçu des enregistrements pour 20 comptes qui peuvent être retracés à Gertler ou à des personnes qui lui sont liées via des administrateurs, des avocats, des adresses ou des participations communs. Certains, dont ceux de Gertler et de Ventora, sont en euros ou en francs congolais. D'autres sont en dollars.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Les banques qui effectuent des transactions impliquant le système financier américain, qu'elles soient basées aux États-Unis ou à l'étranger, sont généralement interdites de traiter les paiements impliquant des entités et des individus sanctionnés. Les transactions en euros ou dans d'autres devises peuvent également aller à l'encontre du département du Trésor si elles impliquent une personne américaine ou si elles sont réputées avoir pour but d'éluder les sanctions. En outre, les États-Unis appellent à la prudence lorsqu'ils envisagent des transactions avec des entités qu'une personne sanctionnée «peut contrôler par des moyens autres qu'une participation majoritaire».</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; font-weight: 700; vertical-align: baseline;">Les registres des 20 comptes bancaires du réseau Gertler</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; font-weight: 700; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"> Étant donné que l'argent circulait souvent entre les entreprises ou les particuliers et semblait parfois refluer, il est impossible de calculer un total sans compter deux fois certains fonds. Mais Dorta Invest de Berros était probablement le plus gros bénéficiaire, enregistrant 49 millions de dollars de dépôts en cinq mois.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Une semaine après l’imposition des sanctions, Berros a enregistré à Hong Kong une société dénommée Fleurette Mumi Holdings, de même nom que l’une des entités BVI de Gertler. Berros a déclaré à Global Witness et à Pplaaf qu'il avait commencé à planifier l'entreprise avant que Gertler ne soit sanctionné, mais n'a jamais obtenu l'autorisation d'utiliser le nom. Son avocat, Klugman, a déclaré que Berros avait abandonné le projet lorsqu'il a entendu parler des sanctions.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Le succès soudain de Berros dans la sécurisation des droits du Congo soulève également des questions. Un mois après avoir enregistré Evelyne Investissement SAU en septembre 2018, il a obtenu les droits de développer des permis de cobalt et de cuivre bordant l'une des opérations phares de Glencore. C'était le genre de transaction dont Gertler aurait été fier: De nulle part, un nouvel entrant dans l'industrie s'est positionné dans la première ligue des transactions sur les ressources.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">En décembre 2019, Glencore a déclaré avoir accepté de payer à la société minière d'État Gecamines jusqu'à 250 millions de dollars pour les droits fonciers jouxtant l'une des plus grandes mines de cuivre-cobalt au monde. Certains de ces sites chevauchent ceux acquis par Evelyne. Glencore a déclaré dans un e-mail que la Gécamines avait accepté de remettre le territoire acheté libre de toute réclamation de tiers tels qu'Evelyne à la clôture de la transaction et qu'elle avait obtenu l'assurance qu'aucun de ses fonds ne bénéficierait à des entités sanctionnées. Glencore a également déclaré comprendre qu'Evelyne faisait désormais partie d'Eurasian Resources Group, la société mère de l'ancien partenaire de Gertler ENRC, mais l'avocat de Berros, Klugman, a déclaré que” son client restait le propriétaire et que ni Gertler ni aucune de ses sociétés n'avaient de lien avec Evelyne”.ERG a refusé de commenter et Gecamines n'a pas répondu aux demandes de commentaires.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; font-weight: 700; vertical-align: baseline;"> Ruben Katsobashvili, la connection Moscovite</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Un homme d'affaires de Moscou âgé de 87 ans, du nom de Ruben Katsobashvili, a prêté 10 millions de dollars à Berros pour son projet minier, a déclaré Klugman. Une société enregistrée sous le nom de Katsobashvili a également acheté ses propres gisements de cuivre et de cobalt pour 75 millions de dollars, selon une copie de l'accord et les états financiers de la Gécamines. Comme Dorta Invest, deux sociétés appartenant à Katsobashvili ont été établies au Congo peu de temps après que Gertler a été ajouté à la liste des sanctions. Katsobashvili était également la source des fonds que Berros a investis dans le projet immobilier d'Abihassira, a déclaré Klugman.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Une page Wikipédia créée par un employé d'une des sociétés de Katsobashvili le décrit comme un négociant milliardaire de produits de base né en Géorgie, dans l'ancienne République soviétique. La page indique que Katsobashvili était un prodige des échecs et le PDG et fondateur de plusieurs sociétés énergétiques. Mais ni lui ni aucune de ces entités ne figurent dans les registres des sociétés en Géorgie ou en Russie. Une entreprise qu'il contrôle au Royaume-Uni a perdu 200844 livres (250000 $) en 2018, selon les derniers comptes. Et une entreprise suisse qu'il possède n'a pas déposé de paperasse auprès des autorités depuis 2016, à l'exception d'un récent changement de directeur, indique un registre public.Katsobashvili possède un appartement de trois pièces au septième étage d'un immeuble résidentiel de 24 étages dans un quartier bourgeois de Moscou. Il était évalué à environ 380 000 $ en 2017, selon les registres fonciers russes. Les registres des véhicules russes montrent qu'à partir de 2016, il possédait une Peugeot 407. En 2007, lorsqu'un journaliste de Bloomberg News a appelé Katsobashvili en juin, il a remis le téléphone à sa femme, qui a dit qu'il n'entendait pas très bien. Elle a référé Bloomberg à Klugman, qui représente également Berros. Klugman a déclaré que Katsobashvili avait créé une société de négoce d'or au Congo en 2012 qui n'avait aucun lien avec Gertler, mais Bloomberg ne pouvait en trouver aucune trace dans les registres publics des sociétés.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Comment Gertler, Berros, Katsobashvili et d'autres en sont venus à avoir des comptes chez Afriland est une histoire qui commence en 2006, lorsque la banque a ouvert un bureau au Congo.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; font-weight: 700; vertical-align: baseline;">En 2018, l'actif total d'Afriland a plus que triplé par rapport à l'année précédente pour atteindre 351 millions de dollars, selon l'audit de PwC</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Le fondateur de Afriland, Paul Fokam, se présente plus comme un messie anti-pauvreté que comme un banquier, évangélisant pour générer de la richesse à travers des entreprises de base. L'expansion de la banque l'a également rendu riche. Forbes dit qu'il a une fortune de 900 millions de dollars, ce qui fait de lui le deuxième homme le plus riche de l'Afrique francophone, une région de plus de 20 pays.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Des gens familiers avec la banque disent que jusqu'à ce que Gertler soit sanctionné, ils ne pouvaient pas se souvenir d'un transfert de plus de 500 000 $ ou de la filiale détenant plus de 2 millions de dollars en espèces sur place. Mais en 2018, l'actif total d'Afriland a plus que triplé par rapport à l'année précédente pour atteindre 351 millions de dollars, selon l'audit de PwC. Le produit des opérations bancaires a plus que doublé pour atteindre 16 millions de dollars cette année-là, les frais de transfert et de change représentant 80% du total.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Au Congo et au Cameroun, comme aux États-Unis, les banques sont tenues de connaître leurs clients et de signaler les transactions suspectes aux régulateurs. Ils sont censés déterminer à qui appartient un compte ou qui effectue un virement, quel est le motif de la transaction et où ils ont obtenu les fonds. La diligence raisonnable d'Afriland laisse beaucoup à désirer, selon les documents fournis à Pplaaf. Pour une personne qui a retiré 14 millions de dollars du compte de Dorta Invest, la banque n'a enregistré qu'un seul nom.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">PwC n'a pas soulevé de questions dans son audit concernant les clients d'Afriland, même si elle a cité un prêt de 28,5 millions d'euros à "une société qui est une partie liée à une autre société sous le coup des sanctions des autorités". L'auditeur n'a pas suggéré que cette transaction était liée à Gertler et a déclaré qu'elle n'affectait pas sa conclusion générale. PwC a refusé de commenter, affirmant qu'elle ne pouvait pas discuter des questions relatives à un client. Fokam n'a pas répondu aux demandes de commentaires envoyées à la banque et à l'institut qu'il dirige.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Alors que les prêteurs mondiaux ont commencé à limiter leur exposition aux banques congolaises dans le cadre d’un programme de sanctions américain en pleine expansion, il est devenu difficile pour la filiale d’Afriland au Congo de trouver un partenaire qui compenserait ses dollars. Elle a donc dû compter sur sa société mère camerounaise pour faire des affaires en monnaie américaine, une pratique connue sous le nom de nidification. Cette entité a deux banques correspondantes qui ont permis aux clients d'Afriland au Congo d'accéder au système financier américain. L'un d’eux est City Bank Group</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Les banques correspondantes sont tenues de faire preuve de diligence raisonnable à l'égard des institutions financières qu'elles desservent - de connaître leurs clients, dans un langage anti-blanchiment. Mais ils ne sont pas tenus de faire de même pour les clients de leurs clients, à moins qu'ils ne soupçonnent que ces clients traitent des fonds illicites. Citigroup a déclaré qu'il ne pouvait pas commenter sur les clients mais que son réseau de correspondants bancaires "était pleinement conforme aux lois locales et internationales".</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Une personne familière avec les plus gros clients de l’unité Afriland au Congo a récemment parcouru du doigt la liste des entreprises identifiées lors de l’audit de PwC, les désignant une par une. Presque tout le monde, a déclaré la personne, était lié à Gertler.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; font-weight: 700; vertical-align: baseline;">LE STATUT DE GERTLER AU CONGO N’ A PAS BEAUCOUPS CHANGÉ APRÈS LES SANCTIONS</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Gertler, qui vit en Israël, a tenté de lever les sanctions. Il a engagé l'ancien directeur du FBI, Louis Freeh, et l'ancien professeur de droit de Harvard, Alan Dershowitz, qui a représenté Donald Trump lors de son procès pour destitution, pour aider à plaider la cause. Dershowitz a reconnu dans un e-mail qu'il travaillait à faire radier Gertler. Freeh n'a pas répondu aux demandes de commentaires.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Pendant un certain temps, malgré les sanctions, le statut de Gertler au Congo n'a pas beaucoup changé. Et Kabila, qui a permis la tenue d'élections en décembre 2018, conserve une immense influence même si son successeur trié sur le volet n'a pas gagné. Le nouveau président, Felix Tshisekedi, a formé une coalition avec Kabila, dont les alliés ont obtenu des majorités dominantes dans les deux chambres du Parlement, ainsi que le contrôle de la plupart des gouvernorats et des assemblées provinciales. Les principaux ministres du cabinet de Tshisekedi sont des loyalistes de Kabila. Malgré les preuves de fraude obtenues grâce à des fuites de données de sondages électroniques montrant que ni Tshisekedi ni le candidat de Kabila n’ont remporté les élections, les résultats sont restés valables.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Erich Ferrari, un avocat de Washington représentant Kabila, a déclaré dans une lettre marquée «cessez et vous abstenez» que les élections étaient légitimes, certifiées par la cour constitutionnelle du Congo et acceptées par les États-Unis et les Nations Unies. Il a également nié que le fondement juridique des sanctions contre Gertler n'avait rien à voir avec ses relations présumées avec Kabila ou que celles contre les responsables de son gouvernement étaient destinées à le contraindre à organiser des élections.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Mais désespéré de recevoir un soutien financier du Fonds monétaire international et d'autres donateurs, Tshisekedi a pris des mesures pour éliminer la corruption. En décembre, un procureur a ouvert une enquête sur la manière dont la Gécamines a utilisé un prêt de 128 millions d'euros que Gertler a accordé à la société minière avant l'imposition de sanctions. Ce genre de contrôle de la part des autorités congolaises est sans précédent. Bien que Gertler ne fasse pas l'objet d'une enquête, les responsables des mines du gouvernement se posent des questions sur la destination de l'argent, selon deux personnes familières avec l'affaire. En juin, le chef de cabinet de Tshisekedi a été reconnu coupable de corruption et condamné à 20 ans de prison, verdict dont il fait appel.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Si le projecteur brille sur l’unité Afriland au Congo, cela pourrait aggraver les choses pour Gertler. Cela pourrait également faire pression sur Citigroup pour mettre fin à ses relations bancaires avec la société mère d'Afriland, ou amener les États-Unis à prendre de nouvelles mesures - le scénario que Willy Mulamba craignait lors de sa rencontre avec les responsables du Trésor l'année dernière.</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Pourtant, les récentes actions anti-corruption lui donnent un peu d'espoir. "Le nouveau gouvernement reconnaît la nécessité de faire partie de l'écosystème financier mondial si le pays veut attirer des flux d'investissement et voir la croissance", a déclaré Mulamba. "En tant que tels, ils travaillent avec Citi, le gouvernement américain et d'autres pour y arriver."</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;">Si cela ne se produit pas, un ancien président, un homme d'affaires et une petite banque pourraient ruiner un pays plus profondément.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-weight: 700;">Une enquête du journal Le Monde, Bloomberg, Global Witness/UK et The Marker</span></span></div>
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OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-74877785647051230872019-04-13T10:04:00.000+01:002019-04-13T10:04:14.465+01:00Washington Throws Its Conditional Support Behind the Congo's New Leader<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: x-large;">Washington Throws Its Conditional Support Behind the Congo's New Leader</span></h2>
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">13/04/2019</span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjvFg0O-9-Abi5Gm6JbeeI-YX1_PX9O5J-uhdAnblD3pSOpcpHev19xg17xJ9LSvfUvSFUcvkbKurELHm8zzFwtM408CcRZPmhkpXQ9f2cgHefozD0s9FPxizKpmBIqS98INMJ6fNPNAIoq/s1600/tshisekedi-pompeo.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" data-original-height="499" data-original-width="1600" height="123" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjvFg0O-9-Abi5Gm6JbeeI-YX1_PX9O5J-uhdAnblD3pSOpcpHev19xg17xJ9LSvfUvSFUcvkbKurELHm8zzFwtM408CcRZPmhkpXQ9f2cgHefozD0s9FPxizKpmBIqS98INMJ6fNPNAIoq/s400/tshisekedi-pompeo.jpg" width="400" /></span></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b>Highlights</b><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<li class="MsoNormal" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; tab-stops: list 36.0pt;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><i>Recent
high-level meetings between Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi and U.S.
officials signal Washington's willingness to work with the new
administration in exchange for deep reforms and efforts to dismantle
former President Joseph Kabila's networks of power.</i><o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; tab-stops: list 36.0pt;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><i>Tshisekedi,
however, will have little room to maneuver due to the dominance of the
Kabila system, as well as the lack of clarity about how much Washington
will support the new president.</i><o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; tab-stops: list 36.0pt;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><i>Amid
his difficult balancing act, Tshisekedi stands a high chance of falling out
with either Kabila or Washington, raising the likelihood that he could
lose power.</i><o:p></o:p></span></li>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The United States is turning over a new leaf with a troubled
African giant. New Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi visited Washington last
week in a sign that his hosts are willing to reset relations after a <a href="https://worldview.stratfor.com/article/congos-new-president-may-have-title-his-predecessor-has-power">controversial
election</a>. The move makes sense: For Washington, Tshisekedi's election marks
a potential turning point in the history of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, an important country that has abundant mineral resources, as well as
profound security and economic challenges. But despite enthusiastic talk of
bolstering ties between Washington and the new administration, the elephant in
the room remains former President Joseph Kabila, who could yet scuttle
Tshisekedi's plans for a new Congo.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b>Conditional Support</b><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Following a sit-down between U.S. Secretary of State Mike
Pompeo and Tshisekedi, the State Department declared its support for the
Congolese president's "change agenda," citing the Tshisekedi
administration's ambitious, albeit vague, pledges to tackle graft more aggressively,
improve security and strengthen the Congolese government's commitment to human
rights. While clearly conditioned on reform, the U.S. declaration of support
was notable in and of itself, as Washington had previously slapped sanctions on
senior officials of Congo's electoral commission, the body that oversaw the
country's contested elections at the end of 2018. In the sanctions document,
the United States accused the polling officials of corruption and "failing
to ensure the vote reflected the will of the Congolese people."
Washington, consequently, has found itself in an ambivalent position: On the
one hand, it emphasized that it believes <a href="https://worldview.stratfor.com/article/congo-no-matter-who-named-election-winner-rough-road-awaits-kabila-shadary-fayulu">Congo's
election was flawed</a> — or even rigged — yet it also indicated its
willingness to work closely with the new administration in Kinshasa, the
capital, in the hopes of bolstering security and economic ties.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">For Tshisekedi, the pledge of American support is most
welcome. Since assuming office three months ago, the president has found
himself boxed in at almost every turn by Kabila's clique, which holds a
majority in the National Assembly and the Senate, rules the vast majority of
the provinces, controls the security services and possesses a large degree of
wealth. Accordingly, Washington's support will be instrumental if Tshisekedi is
to carve out greater room to maneuver in such a stifling environment.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiPU1lMfqCEmXSoEk7kx_LNMcI0433jtTsu_MGhzV5MtJ6bWhE_OIA1tzUdWgZJ7OFyp-O9kqNmxL854j4PzY025RJe6QA0-RYjkHdxK85K0DNQtJoStBNacXVzjGE7ROQWcyCO9W359mvM/s1600/democratic-republic-congo-kabila-mining-cobalt_0.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" data-original-height="969" data-original-width="1480" height="261" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiPU1lMfqCEmXSoEk7kx_LNMcI0433jtTsu_MGhzV5MtJ6bWhE_OIA1tzUdWgZJ7OFyp-O9kqNmxL854j4PzY025RJe6QA0-RYjkHdxK85K0DNQtJoStBNacXVzjGE7ROQWcyCO9W359mvM/s400/democratic-republic-congo-kabila-mining-cobalt_0.png" width="400" /></span></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">In such a situation, two immediate questions arise. First,
how far can the new president actually go in his agenda of change? There are
likely clear red lines in the relationship between Tshisekedi and Kabila,
especially in the <a href="https://worldview.stratfor.com/article/congo-cobalt-copper-mining-kabila-batteries">mining
industry</a>, where Kabila and his allies have massive stakes, but the rest of
their relationship might be more fluid. In fact, Kabila's Common Front for
Congo (FCC) rebuked Tshisekedi after the latter told Washington he would work to
"dismantle the dictatorial system that was in place" — underscoring
that the working arrangement between the incumbent and his predecessor might
only be skin deep.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Second, how much weight will Washington bear to tip the
scales in favor of Tshisekedi? Washington wishes to see reforms in Congo, but
it's unclear whether the United States will benefit enough from regulatory
changes to justify wide-ranging help. In fact, the recent sanctioning of
election officials could signal that U.S. officials are willing to target some
Kabila-linked figures, but it is unclear if there are other tools that
Washington is willing to use to forcibly accelerate the dismantling of the
Kabila system.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">But if Washington is hitching its wagon to Tshisekedi in the
hopes that he will overhaul Congo's political and economic system by
dismantling the "dictatorial system" and streamlining the regulatory
environment (specifically in the mining sector), then it might be in for a
letdown. Though Tshisekedi secured the release of hundreds of political
prisoners — something American officials excitedly touted as evidence of
Congo's new direction — the move was within the new leader's presidential
prerogatives, which are very limited. For example, while reports surfaced that
Tshisekedi rejected Kabila's choice of Albert Yuma as prime minister
(reportedly because of Yuma's corruption as head of Gecamines, the state-owned
mining company), he is still obliged to pick a candidate from the parliamentary
majority, which is held by the FCC and, therefore, Kabila. And in worse news
for Tshisekedi, Kabila's coalition will be able to name the Senate's next
president, who will be next in line for the presidency should Tshisekedi suddenly
fall. This leverage, combined with Kabila's dominance of the political
spectrum, means Tshisekedi will need to operate within the authority of his
narrow powers if he is to achieve any of his goals.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b>A Tinderbox?</b><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Amid these curbs on Tshisekedi's power, there could be even
more signs of trouble down the road, complicating his ability to govern and
Washington's ability to get a return on its backing for the new leader. Reports
suggest that people in many parts of the country believe the Dec. 30 election
was rigged to perpetuate the Kabila system, regardless of the new face at the
top of the pyramid. Apart from Kabila and his cabal, Tshisekedi could thus face
major resistance from ordinary citizens who refuse to accept his presidency.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b>If Washington is hitching its wagon to Tshisekedi in the
hopes he will overhaul Congo's political and economic system, then it might be
in for a letdown.</b><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">In time, Tshisekedi may also face growing discontent from
within the ranks of his Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS) party.
While some influential party members have seemingly acceded to Tshisekedi's
surprise election victory, they could launch an internal backlash if reforms
and other signs of an opening fail to materialize in the months or years ahead.
For example, Tshisekedi’s recent decision to appoint Roger Kibelisa, the former
head of the notorious National Intelligence Agency (ANR), as a security adviser
irked many opposition figures, who say they suffered directly at the hands of
Kibelisa and the ANR. (Kibelisa, incidentally, is one of 14 Congolese officials
subject to European Union sanctions). If Tshisekedi appointed Kibelisa out of a
realization that he needs more Kabila insiders working for him — in the hopes
of one day neutralizing the coterie down the line — then his plans will clash
with UDPS members and others who abhor the idea of embracing elements of the
country's repressive old guard.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">A foretaste of this potential backlash occurred in mid-March
following allegations of widespread bribery during senatorial elections, in
which Kabila's allies grabbed a huge majority in the upper house of parliament.
The results left Tshisekedi's party weak, even in its traditional base of
Kinshasa, roiling UDPS members and provoking them to protest. Facing anger
within the ranks, Tshisekedi moved to block senators from taking their seats,
citing allegations of widespread bribery. But within days, Tshisekedi relented,
as an investigation ostensibly exonerated the accused, thereby underscoring the
president's willingness to cave to the status quo around him. Tshisekedi, too,
has displayed his pliant nature in the case of the mining sector, where he has
continued on from Kabila in backing increased taxes on foreign mining
companies.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">As Tshisekedi walks the tightrope in his attempt to stay in
line with the onerous expectations of his predecessor and appease his base and
Washington, the potential that he will fail is high. But regardless of which
side turns on Tshisekedi first, the new president faces a difficult political
road ahead as the old system fights for survival at a time when new reforms
have yet to take root.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b>Assessment by Stratfor </b></span></div>
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OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-32561727095032060992019-01-15T09:24:00.000+00:002019-01-15T09:24:35.907+00:00DR Congo elections: Is the DR Congo hybrid democracy a cover-up of the global culture of consumerism?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<b><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: x-large; line-height: 107%;"><a href="https://plus.google.com/u/0/+IshiabaKasongack" target="_blank">DR Congo elections: is the DRC hybrid democracy a cover-up of the global culture of consumerism?</a></span></b></h2>
<b><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: 18.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></b> <span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: 18pt; line-height: 107%;">15/01/2019</span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiSG2IqRrmeR35h6xaE09UvqAf2pWTWVfXcobe_8ea61jPxV-98XfC13h-peE119SHwOw8DNSdtcMvLUN5PkU6qMvBSZ_03NQyzlTageQF32_tvIyIyO4W_peKQsqYICqa5EEqKiH-ug6q-/s1600/Screenshot_2019-01-12-10-20-00-1.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><img border="0" data-original-height="414" data-original-width="720" height="230" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiSG2IqRrmeR35h6xaE09UvqAf2pWTWVfXcobe_8ea61jPxV-98XfC13h-peE119SHwOw8DNSdtcMvLUN5PkU6qMvBSZ_03NQyzlTageQF32_tvIyIyO4W_peKQsqYICqa5EEqKiH-ug6q-/s400/Screenshot_2019-01-12-10-20-00-1.png" width="400" /></span></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Congolese presidential candidates M. Fayulu, E. Shadary </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">and F. Tshisekedi<b><span style="font-size: 18.0pt;"></span></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">In the aftermath of the proclamation of Felix Tshisekedi as the DRC president by CENI (Independent National Electoral Commission), certain Congolese denounced the result as an electoral hold-up whilst others welcome it. However, those who do not believe in fair elections in a messy Congo, express a different and deep analysis of the issues that lie behind these elections.</span><o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Understanding that neither <span class="MsoHyperlink"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8ld3aGTIjnQ">F. Tshisekedi</a></span> who met <span class="MsoHyperlink"><a href="https://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/688334-4930014-12erqfoz/index.html">Museveni</a></span> recently for electoral issues before poll results, nor M. Fayulu supported for instance by <span class="MsoHyperlink"><a href="https://www.jeuneafrique.com/mag/630056/politique/rdc-jean-pierre-bemba-kabila-a-eu-peur-de-moi/">J. P. Bemba</a></span> who said that Uganda never looted Congo, and <span class="MsoHyperlink"><a href="http://www.adiac-congo.com/content/primature-et-comite-de-suivi-arthur-amisi-du-mvd-soutient-felix-tshisekedi-et-martin-fayulu">CENCO</a></span> who supported Felix Tshisekedi – via his late dad Etienne Tshisekedi – during the “<span class="MsoHyperlink"><a href="http://ambardcparis.com/cenco.pdf">Saint Silvestre Accord</a></span>” genuinely challenged, at the early stage, the election conformity according to the <span class="MsoHyperlink"><a href="https://www.ndi.org/sites/default/files/Applying-International-Standards-ENG.pdf">International Elections Standard</a>s</span>. By cons, they all endorsed the idea of going to the polls despite the <span class="MsoHyperlink"><a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-46555444">electronic voting mistrust</a></span> and all <a href="https://africacenter.org/spotlight/elections-in-the-democratic-republic-of-congo-falling-short-of-credible/" target="_blank">irregularities preconceived</a> by the government-controlled CENI. </span><o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Congo political crisis is orchestrated by multinationals that enable J. Kabila to hold in power in order to access cheap mineral and natural resources such as cobalt, copper, coltan and gold regardless of Congolese human cost. <span class="MsoHyperlink"><a href="https://www.facebook.com/orion.congo/posts/727054741000479">Congo turmoil</a></span> comes back to most strategic mineral resources’ contracts established by the J. Kabila regime and Uganda-Rwanda interactions in DRC. Indeed, the triad of multinationals, Uganda-Rwanda, and the DRC works very well and is so lucrative and strategic, none of them would like to give it up.</span><o:p></o:p></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">DO THE RESULTS OF THE CONGOLESE ELECTIONS ANNOUNCE ANOTHER "UNNOTICED WEST-EAST CONFLICT"?</span></b></h3>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjQPn1RrtEmj8tI4xlz4iO_bpv6cmPz9T7rGuDC614Cip9zPcXKdXQEiVHabskgNNRSJ04NiowkLZZpJDKfWGk8bruYbHv5EVNc-lFmeYOE7VAddKabknqAcb05mqCtqQ-2Ieg4yPt9IBEW/s1600/Hypersonis+weapons+race.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><img border="0" data-original-height="836" data-original-width="1486" height="225" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjQPn1RrtEmj8tI4xlz4iO_bpv6cmPz9T7rGuDC614Cip9zPcXKdXQEiVHabskgNNRSJ04NiowkLZZpJDKfWGk8bruYbHv5EVNc-lFmeYOE7VAddKabknqAcb05mqCtqQ-2Ieg4yPt9IBEW/s400/Hypersonis+weapons+race.jpg" width="400" /></span></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">The Hypersonic Weapons Race</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">The world is experiencing the innovation and miniaturisation of storing energy – needed in the fields such as medicine, communication or military – by using strategic mineral resources exploited mostly in Congo. In this new era of the arms race, <a href="https://www.rt.com/usa/448516-us-losing-hypersonics-russia/" target="_blank">Russia</a> has developed hypersonic missiles that the US missile defence systems are simply incapable of stopping. Therefore, the US is falling behind in the arms race of hypersonic missiles. In the last year, China has also conducted more hypersonic tests than the US has done in a decade and this has rendered the US military technology obsolete. </span><o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_Hlk535091746"></a><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.css.ethz.ch/content/dam/ethz/special-interest/gess/cis/center-for-securities-studies/resources/docs/a2dd91_b7016a5428ff42c8a21898ab9d0ec349.pdf">Hypersonic technologies and weapons</a> are both vitally important and inevitable for the US defence system and therefore supremacy. To catch up, the US should have a constant hold on strategic mineral resources engorged in Congolese soil knowing that Russia and China would preventively or competitively obstruct them. Furthermore, <a href="https://www.redpepper.org.uk/the-violence-of-coltan-purchase-of-a-global-silence/">the country that controls access</a> to this high-grade Congo “blood cobalt” therefore controls the energy of the future. Therefore, the DRC became the conflictual epicentre of the latest generation of technology, which will shift the world power. It is now Russia’s time to return to African ground, specifically in regions loaded with untapped mineral wealth, for the sake of world supremacy. Russia and <a href="https://www.dailymail.co.uk/wires/afp/article-6582615/Russia-China-push-UN-stay-DR-Congo-poll-dispute.html">China</a> consequently support the provisional 2018 elections outcome in the 2019 Security Council meeting.</span> <o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">to serve in December elections in DRC</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">The recent Congolese elections demonstrate the Russia involvement and meddling of the process. This started from the adoption and implementation<b> </b>of the military and technical cooperation agreement between Russia and the DRC in June 2018 and the supply of logistical equipment –including planes, helicopters and Russian army vehicles– to CENI on 29 October 2018 for the electoral organisation. In this dynamic logic,<span style="color: red;"> </span>as the winners of Africa’s World War are losing ground in the DRC, the White House ordered about <span class="MsoHyperlink"><a href="https://twitter.com/cjf39/status/1081331607259279360/photo/1?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1081331607259279360&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.rt.com%2Fnews%2F448109-us-soldiers-deployed-gabon%2F">80 combat-equipped military personnel</a></span> –with the possibility of deploying further forces if necessary –to Gabon to supposedly support its staff in Kinshasa and focus on the DRC elections for an endless period</span>. </div>
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<o:p></o:p><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">In this context, to support its new ally in the Great Lake region and to safeguard its new interests acquired after pampering Rwanda by giving him the </span><a href="https://www.newtimes.co.rw/news/louise-mushikiwabo-begins-work-oif" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">head of Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie (OIF)</a><span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">, France </span><span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;"> </span><span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">–after losing the African war in August 1998 –</span><span style="color: red; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;"> </span><span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">allows the deployment of US forces in its former colony, the Gabon and openly </span><span class="MsoHyperlink" style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.nation.co.ke/news/world/France-queries-DR-Congo-election-outcome/1068-4928876-6l3k8z/index.html">contested</a></span><span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;"> via its Foreign Minister the CENI 2018 elections’ result. On 11 January 2019, other Leading western powers including Belgium, the US and UK also questioned the outcome of the 30th December polls in the United Nations Security Council.</span></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Do the trio Kabila-Kagame-Museveni want to maintain the status quo in Congo via F. Tshisekedi?</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">A true political change in the DRC will disintegrate the Western founded miracle economy of Rwanda, which is mainly based on the looting and instability of the DRC. Rwanda becomes the converter and legitimate supply chain of bloody mineral resources coming from Congo, and an economic hub, which enables international money laundering and terrorist financing. Paradoxically, <a href="http://venturesafrica.com/uber-introduces-a-new-service-for-the-disabled-and-elderly-in-nairobi/">Rwanda</a> who is not the biggest coltan producer by nature hosted –with British based company “<a href="https://www.circulor.com/">Circulor</a>”, which tracks components from mine to finished product, helping manufacturers and their suppliers to build a sustainable future– the world’s first blockchain-powered tantalum-tracking platform. The tiny Rwanda has surprisingly become the first country to produce 60% of world Coltan despite its limited capacity of producing such a high quantity. As noted, exported Rwandan coltan comes mostly from conflict regions in the DRC. </span></div>
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<o:p></o:p><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">On the other hand, <a href="https://allafrica.com/stories/201801070178.html">Uganda</a> is a clean supply chain and a commercial hub of Congolese gold and other natural resources mainly plundered by so-called a terrorist group “ADF” that is also known as “rebels without borders and goals”, created by Museveni and his cronies. In fact, Illicit conflict monies from looted mineral and natural resources finance <a href="https://www.redpepper.org.uk/the-violence-of-coltan-purchase-of-a-global-silence/">the Uganda factory and cradle of mercenaries.</a> Also,<span style="color: red;"> </span><a href="https://allafrica.com/stories/201801070178.html">Kampala-based traders</a> purchase gold with illegal funds for the purpose of money laundering, and Uganda based refinery (AGR) owns by Goetz and Museveni regime have been fingered by UN investor for dealing in Congo conflict mineral. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">As Uganda refines Congo’s gold and <span class="MsoHyperlink"><a href="https://ktpress.rw/2018/10/tantalum-refinery-plant-launch-extended-to-february-2019/">Rwanda with the Malta-based International</a></span> (PLG Plc) will do the same with coltan by February 2019, the source of minerals purchased by multinationals is intelligently concealed, and behaviours of both protected Rwanda and Uganda are threats to the integrity of the international financial system. Also, they are facing no accountability for their actions noting that the international community portrays Rwanda as an economic success story.</span> </div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">This electoral masquerade aims to maintain the status quo and “business as usual” in the DRC<span style="color: red;">. </span>In Africa, West and East powers are not standing against each other as ideological antagonists. On the contrary, they are coalescing their forces to control Africa and preserve their shared interests. In reality, everybody needs a piece of Congo for its hegemony, and the Congo issue is therefore complex. The question is; "do world powers really want democracy in the DRC"?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">By <b>Ishiaba Kasonga</b> and <b>Serge Egola Angbakodolo</b> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Founders of the <a href="https://www.facebook.com/orioncongostudiesnetwork/" target="_blank"><b>Orion Congo Studies Network (OCSN)</b></a></span><o:p></o:p></div>
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OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-20818691376750302122018-08-03T16:53:00.000+01:002018-08-03T16:53:30.298+01:00Will Congo Go to the Polls—Or Go to War?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://plus.google.com/u/0/+IshiabaKasongack" target="_blank">Will Congo Go to the Polls—Or Go to War?</a></span></h2>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">The government claims the country is having an election. Fighters in the East are preparing for battle.</span></h3>
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<span style="font-family: "solido" , "arial" , sans-serif; text-align: start;">region, November 5, 2013.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">MASISI, Democratic Republic of the Congo—It’s been four months since Gicha Victoir, a high-ranking officer in a local armed group, was told by Congolese government soldiers to prepare for war. Seated in a small wooden hut in a nondescript village on the outskirts of Masisi, a town in Congo’s North Kivu province near the Rwandan border, he recounted his clandestine meeting with the army.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">“They asked us to collaborate with them because they said elections weren’t going to happen and that war was coming,” said Victoir, who belongs to the Nyatura FDDH (Forces for the Defense of Human Rights), a militia comprised of ethnic Hutus, including some from the FDLR (Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda)—the Hutu force formed in 2000 by genocidaires who fled Rwanda after losing the civil war in 1994. The purpose of creating the current armed group was to protect the Hutu community against others taking their land and against other armed groups.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">In March, two generals from Congo’s capital, Kinshasa, traveled to Masisi to tell Victoir and his fellow fighters that the country’s upcoming elections wouldn’t take place and that they should prepare to fight.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">In March, two generals from Congo’s capital, Kinshasa, traveled to Masisi to tell Victoir and his fellow fighters that the country’s upcoming elections wouldn’t take place and that they should prepare to fight.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">For the past two years, the estimated 83 million citizens of this conflict-ravaged and mineral-rich country have been anxiously waiting for President Joseph Kabila to step down from office, after repeatedly delaying elections when his mandate ended in late 2016. Although it appears that Congo’s government, which is normally known for dragging its feet, has been relatively quick to adhere to the electoral calendar—elections are scheduled for Dec. 23 and Kabila is constitutionally barred from running—officials in Kinshasa seems to be doing one thing while saying another.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Masisi’s lush mountainous backdrop masks a region riddled by decades of war. The provinces of North and South Kivu shelter approximately 140 armed groups, which regularly clash over land, authority, and the expulsion of people considered foreigners. In the past six months, however, the situation has deteriorated, with increased violence erupting throughout the region. Locals claim that the government is purposely instigating attacks in an effort to sow the seeds of insecurity in order to avoid holding elections.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">For many in the international community, the meeting in March, which has never been made public, was the first confirmation of deliberate government meddling. “It is certainly true that across the country … government forces have been involved in provoking violence either through disproportionate repression or by actually collaborating with armed groups,” said Jason Stearns, director of the Congo Research Group, an independent, non-profit research project focused on understanding violence in the DRC. “Until now we haven’t been able to prove any intent to use that violence to delay elections or to obtain another mandate for Joseph Kabila,” he added.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">One local human rights activist, who was present at Victoir’s meeting with the generals, saw the arrival of members of the top brass from Kinshasa as significant. “The government doesn’t want elections to take place and is using its men to control armed groups around the country. In case people want Kabila to leave power he has control of the forces and he can use them to protect him,” said the activist, who didn’t want to be named for fear of retaliation.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Officials from Masisi’s local government couldn’t say whether the specific meeting in March occurred, but confirmed that an “unofficial, confidential collaboration” between the government and armed actors exists. “How do you think the groups get their weapons?” said Kangakolo Nikae Cosmas, minister of the interior for Masisi Territory.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Meanwhile, the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo denies having any relationship with rebel groups, saying that the army’s only goal is to “beat them all,” said Maj. Guillaume Ndjike Kaiko, the Congolese Army spokesman in North Kivu. The only form of collaboration comes from defectors who join the military and share information, he said.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span class="fp-red" style="box-sizing: inherit; color: #eb1414;">Foreign Policy</span>’s repeated attempts to speak with the two generals who attended the meeting in March, as well as the government spokesperson in Kinshasa, went unanswered. On a trip to Masisi in June, <span class="fp-red" style="box-sizing: inherit; color: #eb1414;">FP</span> spoke with dozens of people, including several fighters from various armed factions—all of whom said that, since January, collaboration between government forces and armed groups had increased.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Isaac Mubuya, who used to fight for the Congo Defense Front, has been sharing intelligence with the Congolese army since February, helping them navigate complicated terrain and hard-to-reach areas. Since working with the government, the number of attacks on villages has grown, however, he said. In exchange for working together, he and his men have been promised positions in the Congolese Armed Forces once their collaboration ends, Mubuya explained. It’s not the first time this offer has been on the table. In 2010, the government asked for their help, offering the same deal, but then never delivered on its side of the bargain.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Meanwhile, the violence is getting worse. In April, Kisuba Mirimo watched her grandmother get shot and killed when armed men stormed her town. The 40-year-old mother of eight said she can’t count how many times she’s been displaced in the last three years. “I feel such sorrow. It’s hard to eat and find food; it’s terrible always moving,” said Mirimo. She said the violence this year has been worse than previous ones with a proliferation of armed groups and a greater frequency of attacks.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Gisselle Bahati, the vice president of the Territory of Coordination, an advocacy group based in Masisi, blames the increased civilian deaths, sexual violence, looting, and displacement of people in Masisi on government cooperation with local militias. “The collaboration doesn’t support the security and protection of the civilians,” she says.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced since December, according to the Commission on Population Movements, a coordination body led by the The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, bringing the number of internally displaced people in North Kivu to approximately 1.5 million, the <a href="https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/drc_factsheet_trim4_2017_en_07022018.pdf" style="box-sizing: inherit; color: #ed3725; text-decoration-line: none;">highest in the country</a>. An official from the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees office in the provincial capital, Goma, said recently that North Kivu has been taking a step in the “wrong direction.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Many Congolese citizens doubt whether President Kabila will go through with the election, but the Independent National Electoral Commission, the body charged with running it, is confident the vote will go ahead as planned. According to commission officials, the country has been following the electoral calendar and hasn’t missed “a single step.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">“The population should not be distracted by all that is evolving around political public declarations and maneuvering,” said Corneille Nangaa Yobeluo, chairman of Congo’s electoral commission.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Residents in Masisi, however, remain skeptical with many fearing an eruption of chaos if, come December, they aren’t able to vote. “People need elections because they want change,” said Pascal Kita, a local journalist. “If elections don’t happen, there will be war.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span class="pre" style="box-sizing: inherit;">BY</span> SAM MEDNICK</span></address>
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<span style="text-transform: uppercase;"><b><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Foreign Policy</span></b></span></div>
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OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-19611535062189948862018-06-07T05:55:00.000+01:002018-06-07T05:56:02.124+01:00Congo’s Looting and Killing Machine Moves Into High Gear<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://plus.google.com/u/0/+IshiabaKasongack" target="_blank">Congo’s Looting and Killing Machine Moves Into High Gear</a></span></h2>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">07/06/2018</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Millions of
people already are displaced by violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Now President Kabila is using the slaughter to keep himself in power.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #02141f;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">KYANGWALI REFUGEE CAMP, Uganda—“What
I left behind is so precious, so much more important than what I am left with
here,” said the 37-year-old Congolese refugee we’ll call Edward. “When I
arrived in the refugee camp, I fell to the ground in grief, traumatized by all
that I had lost.”<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #02141f;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Edward
was a businessman who sold clothing before large-scale violence returned to the
Ituri Province of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Over the last several
months, well over 400,000 people from Ituri have been driven from their homes,
the bulk of them ending up in refugee camps in neighboring Uganda, bereft of
everything but the clothes on their backs. They join the <a href="http://www.unhcr.org/en-us/dr-congo-emergency.html" style="transition: color 0.15s ease;">4.8 million people</a> already displaced by
Congo’s waves of violence, the second highest total in the world after Syria.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="background: white; color: #02141f; line-height: 107%;">“</span><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">The militias would
come and seal off a village, then go house to house with machetes.</span><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">”</span></b><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">“A year ago we heard rumors that [Congolese President Joseph] Kabila wanted to create violence to delay elections,” Edward told me. “The day before Christmas of this past year, two of my relatives were murdered. Then the killings accelerated. The militias would come and seal off a village, then go house to house with machetes. Very few people escaped. Eventually they would burn the village. At one point, there were so many bodies you could hardly walk.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Edward said that Congolese soldiers who tried to intervene to protect villagers were themselves “chopped up” by the militias. Edward said he witnessed a woman in a nearby village being pursued by a militia. She ran and physically clung to a nearby policeman, but the militia “pulled her away and chopped her up.” When Edward was told by a Congolese soldier that he and his fellow soldiers were given instructions not to intervene, “My first thought was that Kabila had sold us out. I felt we had to run for our lives. We were so traumatized, we could not fight back. What we have known most of our lives is war.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">So Edward and 20 of his neighbors put their money together to hire a boat to escape. The price of a ride across Lake Albert to Uganda had doubled due to the heavy demand of those wanting to flee, which meant that many spent all the money they had just to get away. “I witnessed one boat with seven people which capsized. They all drowned.”</span></div>
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<b><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: black;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Kabila Bets on Chaos</span></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Nearly every refugee we have met in Uganda laid the responsibility for the violence at the feet of President Kabila and his strategy of chaos which could provide the pretext for an indefinite delay in elections that were originally scheduled for 2016 but have been postponed repeatedly. Constitutionally, Kabila is mandated to hand over power to his elected successor.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Not one person ascribed the atrocities in the gold- and oil-rich Ituri Province to inter-ethnic or “inter-tribal” violence, the reason cited in most international media and diplomatic accounts. Similar spasms of violence—with alleged state government complicity—have occurred in other regions of Congo over the last year, including in the Kasai region in the center of the country and North and South Kivu in the east. As another refugee said, “I did not flee the Hema-Lendu conflict,” referring to the two main ethnic groups in Ituri where the refugees come from. “I fled the conflict caused by the government.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">The use of extreme violence by the leaders of successive Congolese regimes (and Belgian King Leopold II before them) has been a central part of a strategy to maintain power by any means necessary.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="background: white; color: #02141f; line-height: 107%;">“</span>The state has been
repurposed to privatize Congo’s extraordinary wealth in the hands of the head
of state.”</b><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">The current governmental institutions have been captured by President Kabila, some of his close family members, senior political and military officials, and their foreign commercial collaborators in order to loot the vast natural resources of the country.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Instead of providing security, delivering services, and dispensing justice, the state has been repurposed to privatize Congo’s extraordinary wealth in the hands of the head of state and his small network of beneficiaries. To solidify this arrangement, Congo’s military and police foment violence and repress independent voices in a classic divide and conquer political strategy.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">In order to secure that wealth and immunity from prosecution, President Kabila seeks to extend his presidency as long as he is able to, preferably for life, just as some of his savvier Central African neighbors have done before him.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">As the rule of law is subverted and those with the biggest guns grab the loot, there are winners and losers.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">The losers are the vast majority of the Congolese people, <a class="LinkWrapper LinkWrapper--external" href="http://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/files/hdr_2016_statistical_annex.pdf" style="background-color: transparent; transition: color 0.15s ease;">77 percent of whom live below the poverty line</a>, according to the United Nations, and with more and more ending up in the displaced and refugee camps like the one I am visiting.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">The winners are most conspicuously President Kabila and his commercial, political, military, and paramilitary co-conspirators. But the real money from this looting and killing machine is being made outside the country, by Congo’s neighbors and international corporate collaborators.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="background: white;">Blood Money and Band-Aids</span></b><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Regionally, commercial actors and/or officials in Rwanda and Uganda continue to benefit tremendously from smuggled minerals, particularly gold, as they compete over the illicit spoils of Congo’s vast natural resource wealth. These two neighbors have a sordid history over the past two and a half decades of intervening militarily or through proxy militias in Congo’s mineral-rich east. Zimbabwe, Burundi, and Angola, among others, have also taken advantage of Congo’s compromised sovereignty during the past two decades.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Internationally, a host of parasitic financiers, mining companies, banks, and mineral smugglers have earned spectacular profits on the back of Congo’s misery. As if to punctuate this, while I had lunch on a veranda overlooking Lake Victoria before journeying to the refugee camp, I overheard a group of foreign businessmen from a few different countries devising a plan for circumventing regulatory controls in their mineral sector investments.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">In response to the death, displacement, and destruction in Congo, which has few post-World War II parallels globally, the international community has spent billions of dollars to provide emergency aid and deploy the largest and most expensive United Nations peacekeeping operation in the world. These are humanitarian band-aids attempting to cover gaping human rights and governance wounds. Instead of just treating symptoms, we need to begin to attack the root causes of this spiraling crisis.</span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-weight: 700; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">A Vote That Counts</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">After many delays, the elections scheduled for December represent Congo’s veritable fork in the road. If they are stolen or Kabila remains in power beyond December, violence and regional instability will escalate, and the kleptocracy will be reinforced. The warning signs are apparent now: billboards and videos campaigning for Kabila are going up in Congo, and the government is preventing parties and protestors from holding rallies. On the other hand, if a credible election and transition are held, a major first step will be taken on Congo’s long and difficult road to an accountable and transparent government, the critical prerequisite for peace and human rights.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">There may be no greater challenge on the African continent today than supporting such a system change, a far different goal than the regime change that the Kabila government regularly accuses its adversaries of fomenting. There are internal and external elements to a strategy that could successfully see the dismantling of the violent kleptocratic system in Congo today.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Inside the country, civil society, media, legal, and parliamentary efforts at reform are critical. Exposing human rights abuses, combating corrosive corruption by pressing for mining deals and companies to be fully transparent, advocating for prosecuting those responsible for atrocities, demanding opportunities for women and youth, pushing for the delivery of social services and reform of the military, mediating disputes before they explode into violence, and other such efforts are all building blocks for meaningful system change.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Outside the country, governments around the world should ramp up pressure on President Kabila’s kleptocratic network, which will do all it can to avoid serious reform or change. The international community should focus on using its tools of financial pressure now, ahead of a critical period: June 23 to August 8, when candidates must register.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">If Kabila unconstitutionally puts himself on the ballot then, it will spell disaster and will be much harder for the international community to positively influence the situation and for a credible democratic transition of power to occur in Congo.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="background: white; color: #02141f; line-height: 107%;">“</span>Governments around
the world should ramp up pressure on President Kabila’s kleptocratic network.”</b><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">There must be meaningful consequences for the regional and international commercial enablers who profit from the exploitation of natural resources while sustaining those directly responsible for this horrific violence, and preventive sanctions to send a clear message to Kabila that his candidacy is unacceptable and stop him before he makes a disastrous electoral decision.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">In order to disincentivize financial motivations for perpetuating these atrocities and promote a credible democratic transition, the international community should aggressively escalate the use of financial tools of leverage such as targeted network sanctions focused not just on those carrying the guns and machetes but also the checkbooks and briefcases of cash for Kabila and his cronies. Earlier sanctions helped get the government and opposition to sign a key deal in December 2016, but more pressure is needed now for the larger goal, a democratic transition.</span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-weight: 700; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">‘As It Stands Now, War Crimes Pay’</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">A major building block
for an escalation strategy was the U.S. <a href="https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/sm0243" style="transition: color 0.15s ease;">sanctioning Israeli mining and oil tycoon Dan
Gertler</a>, a major facilitator of and profiteer from Kabila’s kleptocracy,
along with 19 of his companies and one of his business associates.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">While targeting Gertler
was an important first step, more sanctions against other commercial enablers
are urgently needed now in order to prevent Kabila from running in the
elections and to enable a credible democratic transition.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">In addition, strict
anti-money-laundering standards should be applied by financial institutions
conducting business in the region or who process transactions on behalf of
other banks that do. Until we cut off the ability of the kleptocratic elites to
enjoy the spoils of the misery that they sow in Congo, the innocent will
continue to suffer.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">As it stands now, war
crimes pay. Dictatorship and conflict facilitate the looting. Unless we target
that equation, the mass suffering will continue.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">As one refugee told me
simply, “My hope is to leave this camp and go home in peace.” In order for
peace to have any chance, those benefiting from human misery inside and outside
Congo need to pay a price, whether financial, legal, or political, and the
kleptocratic system that favors violence and repression needs to be steadily
and systematically dismantled.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><o:p> By </o:p><b><span style="background: white; letter-spacing: -0.4pt; line-height: 107%; text-transform: uppercase;">JOHN PRENDERGAST</span></b></span></div>
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<span style="background: white; letter-spacing: -0.4pt; line-height: 107%; text-transform: uppercase;"><b><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"> Daily Beast</span></b></span></div>
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OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-37811570095240020302018-05-23T21:45:00.001+01:002018-05-23T22:10:14.055+01:00POURQUOI LA FRANCE SOUTIENT LA CANDIDATURE DU RWANDA ANGLOPHONE A LA TETE DE L’ORGANISATION INTERNATIONALE DE LA FRANCOPHONIE (OIF) ?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: x-large;"><span lang="FR"><a href="https://plus.google.com/u/0/+IshiabaKasongack" target="_blank">POURQUOI LA FRANCE SOUTIENT LA CANDIDATURE DU RWANDA ANGLOPHONE A LA TETE DE L’ORGANISATION INTERNATIONALE DE LA FRANCOPHONIE (OIF) ?</a></span></span></h2>
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<span style="font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="FR">23/05/2018</span><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="FR"><b>LE CADEAU DE
MULTINATIONALES FRANCAISES A L’ANGLOPHONE RWANDAIS, PAUL KAGAME </b></span></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgy76G2voHxLo8QKGgZQi_unipDasM3dHaoI8uZIjjsVajnNsE_ibvyrxdYkMyIGT4lpIaJ8VPpfU91pDVIjUIIi9vCzhHOGFj_xlx1EUymN1hfUxMgCclxTc5ESbLISl_Swhn5eDAR-Um5/s1600/Mushikiwabo.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" data-original-height="372" data-original-width="617" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgy76G2voHxLo8QKGgZQi_unipDasM3dHaoI8uZIjjsVajnNsE_ibvyrxdYkMyIGT4lpIaJ8VPpfU91pDVIjUIIi9vCzhHOGFj_xlx1EUymN1hfUxMgCclxTc5ESbLISl_Swhn5eDAR-Um5/s400/Mushikiwabo.jpg" width="400" /></span></a></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Louise
Mushikiwabo, Ministre Rwandaise des Affaires </span></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">étrangères, est confirmée par le
Rwanda comme</span></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"> candidate au Secrétariat de la Francophonie.<span style="font-size: large;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="FR">Depuis l'échec de l'opération française dite «
Turquoise » au Rwanda en 1994, l'Hexagone a toujours été mise hors-circuit dans
les affaires par Paul Kagame, le plus grand président receleur des minerais de
la RD Congo.</span><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="FR">En effet, le Président à vie du Rwanda, Paul
Kagame, n'a jamais pardonné à la France
de son soutien tous azimut aux ex-Forces Armée Rwandaises (FAR) et aux milices
Interahamwe pendant la guerre civile rwandaise de 1990-1994. Pour punir la
France, "complice des génocidaires", Kagame se tourna rapidement vers
le Commonwealth (anglophone) en adoptant le modèle économique singapourien
"plus aisé, pratique et plus flexible".</span><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="FR">Depuis vingt-quatre ans, les multinationales
françaises ont payé un lourd tribut dû aux "erreurs du Rwandagate" et
n'ont donc pas pu profiter des opportunités d'affaires offertes par le pays des
mille collines, le paradis fiscal pour les “revendeurs illégaux” de minerais du
sang venant de la RD Congo.</span><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="FR">Cela a fait croitre les inquiétudes des milieux
d'affaires français sur l’avenir des relations franco-rwandaises d'autant plus
qu'il est plus facile de créer une entreprise au Rwanda qu'en France selon la
Banque mondiale. Ne pas s’entendre avec le gouvernement rwandais de Paul Kagame
fait du tort à la France.</span><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="FR"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b>LE MACRONISME ET LE RÔLE
DE SARKOZY DANS LE RAPPROCHEMENT FRANCO-RWANDAIS</b><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjIMzxKKHqSFEnfQqQ9-eM3Oaj33jT6oP4ltMf1f613LvfezollfnxINSuvahowLOxoqmWEMFD2jKkz7oymHnbgOdF43hF_sCGSGGfLNRFVyLZm8GY8vHLE6LjrUhbzNnYOigLhi9x7S3Gq/s1600/kagame+and+Sarkozy.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" data-original-height="491" data-original-width="873" height="223" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjIMzxKKHqSFEnfQqQ9-eM3Oaj33jT6oP4ltMf1f613LvfezollfnxINSuvahowLOxoqmWEMFD2jKkz7oymHnbgOdF43hF_sCGSGGfLNRFVyLZm8GY8vHLE6LjrUhbzNnYOigLhi9x7S3Gq/s400/kagame+and+Sarkozy.jpg" width="400" /></span></a></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">L'ancien président français Nicholas Sarkozy rencontre </span></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Kagame du Rwanda avec un groupe d'investisseurs</span></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"> français qui explorent les
opportunités </span></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">d'investissement dans le pays.<span style="font-size: large;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="FR">L'avènement du macronisme, mouvement social libéral
largement financé par les entreprises numériques et les sociétés de
capital-investissement, va briser la "raison d'Etat" traditionnelle
dans la question rwandaise depuis 1994 prônée par la gauche socialiste et la
droite républicaine.</span><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="FR">Cyrille Bolloré de la multinationale française
Bolloré Transports & Logistics, a entamé des négociations avec le
gouvernement rwandais pour le "grand retour de la France au Rwanda".
Selon lui, dans la crise politique franco-rwandaise, c’est la France qui est
perdante au profit des entreprises anglo-saxonnes. Il a donc engagé l'ancien
président français Nicolas Sarkozy, à la tête d'un groupe d'investisseurs
français pour entamer des négociations d’affaires avec le patron du Rwanda.</span><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="FR">Notons que Nicolas Sarkozy est connu pour sa
sympathie à la cause rwandaise. L'ancien président français est l'auteur de la
doctrine du « partage des terres et des richesses entre le RD Congo et le
Rwanda » et a donc été avancé par le gouvernement Macron et les milieux
d'affaires proches d'AREVA auprès du gouvernement rwandais pour préparer le
retour du Rwanda dans la zone d'influence française.</span><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="FR"><b>LE RETOUR DE L'ENFANT
PRODIGUE</b></span><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhpuvp18dIUsjxRg8VS3-BLrBDGC16GZKlE7yywI9b9uNVdIzPbIhj1YTwIhu8xUmBZIMjMeNq-z7EBdsHCy9881Env5GfsqXp2XJsU_NW6S_gYdtQkeMl_3WgrVcYXYgh7P-jQwWJK0r1c/s1600/bollore+staff.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" data-original-height="491" data-original-width="873" height="222" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhpuvp18dIUsjxRg8VS3-BLrBDGC16GZKlE7yywI9b9uNVdIzPbIhj1YTwIhu8xUmBZIMjMeNq-z7EBdsHCy9881Env5GfsqXp2XJsU_NW6S_gYdtQkeMl_3WgrVcYXYgh7P-jQwWJK0r1c/s400/bollore+staff.jpg" width="400" /></span></a></div>
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<span lang="FR"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Le vendredi 11
mai 2018, le personnel de Bolloré </span></span></div>
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<span lang="FR"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Transport & Logistics Rwanda Ltd rend
hommage </span></span></div>
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<span lang="FR"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">aux victimes du génocide de 1994 contre</span></span></div>
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<span lang="FR"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"> les « Tutsis »<span style="font-size: large;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="FR">La percée stratégique du groupe industriel français
TOTAL en Afrique de l'Est (Ouganda et RD Congo) face aux multinationales
anglo-saxonnes Tullow Oil et Heritage Oil a fait sonner le glas de la fin du
monopole anglo-saxon de l'exploitation énergétique en Afrique de l'Est. Cela a
conduit le président rwandais à reconsidérer sa stratégie d'autant qui
consistait à mettre les entreprises françaises hors d'activité au profit des
Anglo-Saxons. Kagame veut adopter une position équilibrée et multilatérale
entre le monde anglophone et le monde francophone.</span><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="FR">Ce Mercredi 23/05/218, le président Paul Kagame a
confirmé que la ministre rwandaise des Affaires étrangères, Louise Mushikiwabo,
est en concurrence sur le poste de secrétaire général de l'organisation
"Francophonie". Une candidature de la réconciliation, </span></span><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">ouvertement endossée par l'Elysée</span><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">, qui arrange les
milieux d'affaires et industriels français mis hors-jeu dans les Grands Lacs
depuis 24 ans. “ le cadeau entretienne l’amitié “ dit-on.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="FR">Les deux grands géants de l'énergie française
(AREVA et Total) soutiennent le grand retour de l’enfant prodigue dans la zone
d'influence française qui ne sera que bénéfique aux intérêts français qu'avec
de multiples contrats d'exploitation du gaz et du pétrole au Kivu.</span><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="FR">Notons aussi que les appétits de Total et d'Areva
pour le contrôle de l'énergie dans le Grand Rift Valley Africain continuent de
croître. Dans cette conquête géostratégique du Grand Rift Valley Africain, la
réconciliation du Rwanda avec le grand frère français est donc nécessaire et
fortement encouragée. </span><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="FR">Le Rwanda « dynamique » est essentiel aux intérêts
français dans la région vue que les minerais de la RD Congo sont transférés au
Rwanda pour pouvoir atteindre facilement les ports de l’océan indien. Ceci
représente une offrande pour le groupe Bolloré Africa Logistics, expert en
activités logistiques incluant les ports et le transport routier, afin de
contrôler le commerce des minerais et de les évacuer.</span><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="FR">Par <b>Serge Egola Angbakodolo</b></span><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="FR">et <b>Ishiaba Kasonga</b> </span><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="FR">Fondateurs</span> d'<span style="background: white;"><a href="https://www.facebook.com/orioncongostudiesnetwork/" target="_blank"><b>Orion Congo StudiesNetwork (OCSN)</b></a></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-39890444389568939852018-04-10T05:34:00.000+01:002018-04-10T05:34:19.174+01:00Why we must listen to those who have fled Kagame’s Rwanda<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://plus.google.com/u/0/+IshiabaKasongack" target="_blank">Why we must listen to those who have fled Kagame’s Rwanda</a></span></h2>
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">10/04/2018</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span>
<h3 style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">In a new book, Canada journalist Judi Rever details the brutal actions of Rwandan President Paul Kagame and the RPF. In this essay for OpenCanada, she explains the need to uncover the story and asks: why has the world stayed so silent on the issue?</span></h3>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhLCkebEGw13_y75zWiTmuzzxl7CSxpnY9A1rA5Y8dHtLleXWVXHvPTpEP92qQ3wDznM51tSUFuWB-OjZTyMWTbQszTU-ixskzUWzcXzX6MrDGqPsnu95rxHZg-44BTKvbskCyJN98BIRfm/s1600/RTXFAO5.2e16d0ba.fill-1200x630-c100.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" data-original-height="630" data-original-width="1200" height="210" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhLCkebEGw13_y75zWiTmuzzxl7CSxpnY9A1rA5Y8dHtLleXWVXHvPTpEP92qQ3wDznM51tSUFuWB-OjZTyMWTbQszTU-ixskzUWzcXzX6MrDGqPsnu95rxHZg-44BTKvbskCyJN98BIRfm/s400/RTXFAO5.2e16d0ba.fill-1200x630-c100.jpg" width="400" /></span></a></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; text-align: start;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Rwandan refugees carry their belongings on their way </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; text-align: start;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">to Ruhengeri refugee camp August 1, 1994, shortly </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; text-align: start;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">after returning back to the country which they fled </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; text-align: start;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">because of the war between government troops</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; text-align: start;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"> and the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF).</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">One of the most vexing moral challenges for journalists who cover war is how to find meaning amid the trauma. Bearing witness to the suffering of others is daunting enough. But how we convey that suffering through the filter of our own privilege and bias can be even more problematic.</span></div>
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<span style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Two decades ago, when I was a young journalist, I went to Congo to cover an unimaginable humanitarian crisis. Rwanda’s army, backed by military allies from Uganda, had invaded the country and attacked UN refugee camps housing Rwandan refugees inside its eastern border. These forces eventually toppled president Mobutu Sese Seko. When I arrived in the region in May 1997, just days after the overthrow, nearly a half a million Congolese were internally displaced by the civil war, and another 200,000 Rwandan Hutu refugees who had lived in the camps had gone missing and were presumed dead. At the time, Rwandan troops were firmly entrenched in a country roughly the size of Western Europe.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The chatter among Western elites far removed from the carnage was initially euphoric; Mobutu’s 32-year reign had long been synonymous with decay and the West now expected nothing short of a renaissance in the heart of Africa. The man tapped to lead this dramatic transformation was Paul Kagame, now Rwanda’s long-time president,<b style="box-sizing: border-box;">*</b> whose Rwandan Tutsi soldiers had then been credited with stopping a genocide committed by Hutus against Tutsis in Rwanda, where up to a million people had been killed, three years before.</span></div>
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<span style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">I knew then that the talk of renaissance in central Africa was a lie, and I wasn’t alone in this assessment. Humanitarian workers and a cabal of journalists who had been in the forests of Congo had seen what Kagame’s troops had done, and what it presaged for the region’s future.</span></span></div>
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<span style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">During search and rescue missions with aid workers south of Kisangani, in the Congolese jungle, I learned how Kagame’s soldiers had hunted hundreds of thousands of Hutu refugees across a brutal terrain. I interviewed dozens of orphans ravaged by disease, their faces hollowed out with grief, fear and hunger. Countless men and women, their voices trembling, told me stories of how Tutsi troops machined gunned their camps and, in some instances, forced survivors at gunpoint to bury their loved ones. Some refugees showed me their bullet wounds; I could barely fathom how they had managed to live another day. Local aid workers told me soldiers brought in bundles of firewood and barrels of gasoline to burn corpses in late April and early May 1997, days before I’d arrived. The remains of victims initially buried were eventually dug up and brought to more remote areas.</span></span></div>
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<span style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">My whole world view shattered when I realized how Canada had downplayed the crisis as it was happening, and eventually acquiesced to the position of the United States that Kagame’s forces should be allowed to proceed, whatever the human cost. And I have never quite recovered from the stupor of learning that multinationals, some of them Canadian, struck mining deals with the killers, in the very midst of the slaughter. For years I was frozen in horror at the cynicism and sheer inhumanity of it. </span></span></div>
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<span style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">"Despite UN findings, there has been no serious international attempt to try Kagame and his senior commanders for these atrocities."</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">International organizations such as Doctors Without Borders, Human Rights Watch, Refugees International and the Montreal-based International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Development wrote devastating reports detailing the crimes in Congo’s jungle. A United Nations special rapporteur spoke of genocidal acts, yet it took more than a decade for the United Nations to thoroughly investigate these incidents and declare that Kagame and his army had probably committed its own genocide against unarmed Hutu civilians in Congo.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Despite the UN findings, published in 2010, there has been no serious international attempt to try Kagame and his senior commanders for these atrocities. In fact, politically powerful insiders have worked to shield Kagame from prosecution at the International Criminal Court since 2002, despite compelling evidence that he has created and supported a succession of militia that have ripped Congo apart and feasted on its resources ever since. Several million Congolese have died from violence and war-related causes since he unleashed the war in 1996.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">I will never forget the gaze and voices of victims in Congo and Rwanda. Nor will I forget the stories of why Rwandans fled their country in the first place, during and after the genocide of 1994. The stories I collected in Congo contained crucial clues about what the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) did years before. Hutus did not flee to surrounding countries — as the international media and Kagame’s government claimed — because armed Hutu elements were holding them hostage in the camps. They did not flee because they were all guilty of committing genocide of Tutsis and were afraid of going to jail if they returned. They told me they fled Rwanda because the RPF had killed their family members during the genocide, and they were afraid then of going back home to be finished off.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">But the world did not listen to them then, or since. Even I had difficulty, at first, understanding what they told me. Why? Because I had absorbed the propaganda and been conditioned to believe that the RPF had stopped the genocide as soon as it routed Hutu soldiers and militia. It took me months after my trip to Congo and Rwanda in 1997, recalling these anecdotes and re-listening to interviews, to realize and finally accept that there were perpetrators and victims on both sides during the genocide in 1994. And it took me years of dogged reporting to finally uncover what the RPF had actually done, the depravity and organization of its crimes, before, during and after the genocide.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Along the way, Kagame’s operatives have tried to silence me. Strange men have attempted to lure me into dangerous situations; they’ve harassed, threatened and at times chased me in public places. My family has been targeted. Agents working for Rwandan embassies in Canada and Belgium reportedly laid traps for me. Belgian state security told me they had convincing intelligence the Rwandan embassy in Brussels posed a threat to my safety. The risk level was considered so severe that Belgium provided armed bodyguards and an armoured Mercedes for all my interviews in the country.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">"For many years, Western governments and a vast majority of journalists, rights groups and academics refused to believe the people who fled."</span></div>
<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">If that sounds terrifying, it hardly equates to the decades’ long nightmare experienced by Rwandan journalists, activists, Hutu civilians and Tutsis who refused to endorse these crimes and managed to defect. For their honesty and courage they have been accordingly silenced, hunted down, jailed or killed since Kagame took power. For many years, Western governments and a vast majority of journalists, rights groups and academics refused to believe the people who fled. They believed the propaganda of the RPF, whose army won a savage war in which Tutsis and Hutus committed genocide against each other.</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">If we had only listened to all victims — and not just those inside Rwanda over which the RPF has exerted control — we could have lessened or possibly prevented the wave of bloodshed after July 1994, when Kagame seized power. But the world did not listen. His intelligence apparatus set about killing Hutu males, in particular Hutu recruits or soldiers of the previous regime. These were acts of androcide. Hundreds of thousands more Hutus were killed in the counterinsurgency and in the forests of Congo.</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The following are just a few of the alarming reports the West chose to deliberately conceal:</span></span><br />
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<li style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0.5em;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">At the height of the genocide, a UN cable revealed that Kagame’s forces were shooting, stabbing and burning refugees and dumping bodies of victims in the Kagera River. Others were hauled off in trucks, according to survivors fleeing to neighbouring Tanzania.</span></span></li>
<li style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0.5em;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">In 1994, an international consultant with extensive experience in African war zones named Robert Gersony concluded that 40,000 Hutu refugees were slaughtered in less than one third of the country’s communes he visited, and he believed the operations were systematic and amounted to </span><a href="http://www.rwandadocumentsproject.net/gsdl/collect/mil1docs/index/assoc/HASHc166/6f755cde.dir/doc84106.PDF" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration-line: none; transition: color 0.25s;"><span style="color: red;">genocide</span></a><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">. The UN buried his report to protect Kagame’s regime. A whistleblower released it </span><a href="https://graphics8.nytimes.com/packages/pdf/world/gersony_report.PDF#page=17&zoom=auto,210,-131" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration-line: none; transition: color 0.25s;"><span style="color: red;">online</span></a><span style="box-sizing: border-box;"> in 2010.</span></span></li>
<li style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0.5em;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">Early evidence from RPF informants indicated that on April 6, 1994, Kagame’s commandos had shot down the plane carrying Hutu President Juvenal Habyarimana and his Burundian counterpart, Cyprien Ntaryamira. Their assassinations triggered the Rwandan genocide, which claimed the lives of several hundred thousand Tutsis. Louise Arbour, the Canadian prosecutor of the UN’s International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), shut down that probe in 1997. She argued that the tribunal did not have jurisdiction to investigate the plane attack. Yet Article 4 of the ICTR Statute specifically called for the body to investigate acts of terrorism.</span> </span></li>
<li style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0.5em;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">A political group comprised of Rwandan Hutu refugees conducted an incomplete investigation in camps in Zaire (which was renamed Congo) and Tanzania. That investigation listed the names of 20,000 victims, most from northern Rwanda, who had been killed in RPF zones by Kagame’s army. In many cases the names of witnesses to the killings were listed, and occasionally the names of the alleged killers, who were members of the RPF, were identified. The investigation, which I got access to, was submitted to the UN tribunal in 2000, but the court buried the findings.</span> </span></li>
<li style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0.5em;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">A Rwandan human rights activist and journalist named André Sibomana collected the names of 18,000 men, women and children who were slaughtered in the prefecture of Gitarama after the RPF seized the zone in June 1994. Rwanda’s former prime minister, Faustin Twagiramungu, and former interior minister, Seth Sendashonga, gave those names to the ICTR and to Belgium in 1996. No judicial action was taken. Sendashonga was gunned down in Nairobi by Kagame’s operatives. Sibomana, who devoted his life to the vulnerable and voiceless, died in 1998.</span></span></li>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">I consider it a privilege to be Canadian, because I have a reasonable assurance that our rights are respected. But that privilege doesn’t inure me to the suffering of others in far away places. And it doesn’t mean that I’m willing to stay silent as a group of violent criminals hijack international justice in the name of a doomed, geopolitical experiment. The silence has fuelled Kagame’s killing machine.</span></div>
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<span style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">There is a shame in staying silent about history and our part in it. It’s a shame that’s insidious because it creates a false sense of powerlessness. Rwandans and Congolese are not powerless. Nor are Westerners who care about that part of the world. Victims long gone, and those still among us, matter. After all these years, let us listen to people who have fled Kagame’s Rwanda. They should be protected instead of betrayed.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><i style="box-sizing: border-box;">Judi Rever is the author of</i><span style="box-sizing: border-box;"> </span><i style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="color: red;"><a href="https://penguinrandomhouse.ca/books/546081/praise-blood#9780345812094" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration-line: none; transition: color 0.25s;">In Praise of Blood, The Crimes of the Rwandan Patriotic Front</a>.</span></i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b style="box-sizing: border-box;">*</b><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">Paul Kagame became leader of the RPF’s military wing, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), in October 1990 after it invaded Rwanda from its base in Uganda. Kagame had grown up in Uganda and helped former rebel leader turned president, Yoweri Museveni, topple the regimes of Idi Amin and Milton Obote, in 1979 and 1985. Kagame became President Museveni’s spy chief and was known for torturing enemies of the Ugandan state. Kagame became Rwanda’s de facto leader when his troops seized power in July 1994, and has received considerable international support to rebuild the country since the genocide. In 2000, he was declared president and has since won three presidential elections. Kagame and his ruling RPF have been accused of silencing and jailing critics, and assassinating opponents at home and abroad.</span></span></div>
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<span style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">BY: JUDI REVER </span></span></div>
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OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-49663184225586020382018-02-23T18:48:00.000+00:002018-02-23T18:48:12.908+00:00APPLE FACES CHILD LABOR SCRUTINY AS IT LOOKS TO TAKE CHARGE OF COBALT MINES<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="https://plus.google.com/u/0/+IshiabaKasongack" target="_blank">APPLE FACES CHILD LABOR SCRUTINY AS IT LOOKS TO TAKE CHARGE OF COBALT MINES</a></span></h2>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">23/02/2018</span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjWf3Fm4p6frgvPYyp90RQgOZPeeA5WEjWmbzWlRW9FcWgSL2clVCX1BAClyzG7OGro74z2rdJyg5GYKhb5wh8XWOAvUvS-jV4koFBAwta0VgENKwzkFWUuOp5gyIH8KQkRoq5L8mK19881/s1600/apple-cobalt-mine-lithium-battery.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" data-original-height="570" data-original-width="854" height="266" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjWf3Fm4p6frgvPYyp90RQgOZPeeA5WEjWmbzWlRW9FcWgSL2clVCX1BAClyzG7OGro74z2rdJyg5GYKhb5wh8XWOAvUvS-jV4koFBAwta0VgENKwzkFWUuOp5gyIH8KQkRoq5L8mK19881/s400/apple-cobalt-mine-lithium-battery.jpg" width="400" /></span></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">An impending global shortage of cobalt—an essential ingredient in everything from smartphones to electric cars—is prompting a scramble for the scarce mineral that is once again drawing attention to human rights abuses in the mining process.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">In order to meet its own cobalt needs, Apple is reportedly planning to go straight to the source and secure it directly from the mines. The news follows investigations into cobalt mines in recent years that have repeatedly revealed incidents of child labor and hazardous working conditions.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">According to <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-02-21/apple-is-said-to-negotiate-buying-cobalt-direct-from-miners" rel="nofollow" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; border-bottom-color: rgb(247, 34, 16); border-image: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-style: none none solid; border-top-color: initial; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box; list-style: none outside none; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Bloomberg</a>, the world’s richest company has been in talks with mining companies for more than a year in order to guarantee a steady supply of the mineral over the next five years, which human rights campaigners tell <em style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; list-style: none outside none; margin: 0px; outline: none 0px; padding: 0px;">Newsweek </em>could present serious ethical challenges.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">It is not clear which mines Apple is in talks with, though much of its current cobalt is sourced from the Democratic Republic of Congo, where more than 50 percent of the world’s cobalt supply originates. It is also where some of the most grievous human rights abuses have been reported.</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi0aCX7NSR_1kghkXpWXpccGfgXzt-cCfFeazhW7fuvMBkjP-2PFo4Fa5QBVYV8MTITTHO91fPokwx5QPk_IQ3Adyfz4Gq6nPQeJw2BFfVE5ai3r_2xjSUvG7kpNpJoR_2aniCMhECLpF64/s1600/apple-iphone-battery-colbalt-mine2.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" data-original-height="493" data-original-width="951" height="206" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi0aCX7NSR_1kghkXpWXpccGfgXzt-cCfFeazhW7fuvMBkjP-2PFo4Fa5QBVYV8MTITTHO91fPokwx5QPk_IQ3Adyfz4Gq6nPQeJw2BFfVE5ai3r_2xjSUvG7kpNpJoR_2aniCMhECLpF64/s400/apple-iphone-battery-colbalt-mine2.png" width="400" /></span></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">According to Amnesty International, children as young as seven were discovered working in cobalt mines in the DRC and in a <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/afr62/3183/2016/en/" rel="nofollow" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; border-bottom-color: rgb(247, 34, 16); border-image: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-style: none none solid; border-top-color: initial; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box; list-style: none outside none; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">2016 report</a> from the charitable organization, children working in mines recounted “being subjected to beatings and extortion by security guards and exploited by traders.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">As one of the biggest cobalt consumers—the mineral is used to produce the lithium-ion batteries found inside every iPhone, iPad, Apple Watch and MacBook—any deal between Apple and the mines would protect the tech giant from choked supply chains but also open them up to closer scrutiny. Currently, as a “downstream company,” Apple is not directly responsible for the mines’ practices.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Apple declined to comment on whether it was in talks with mining companies but reiterated to <em style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; list-style: none outside none; margin: 0px; outline: none 0px; padding: 0px;">Newsweek</em> its efforts to prevent human rights abuses in its supply chains, including that of cobalt.</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiKseoqFWbd2Hh1S1NEGsh_2llAgYxSYs-wVmQK8HNQQSmG6ivVlrT9qwuw3aTSSCIY6kfyPVNIKLjEKN4HSGZem-oQKXm0kHgwHhstXjANS8tPYkkV_FGCAWWaq0aG6GWRh4TPJPBEk4Wa/s1600/cobalt-mine-child-labor-apple+3.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1020" data-original-width="1440" height="282" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiKseoqFWbd2Hh1S1NEGsh_2llAgYxSYs-wVmQK8HNQQSmG6ivVlrT9qwuw3aTSSCIY6kfyPVNIKLjEKN4HSGZem-oQKXm0kHgwHhstXjANS8tPYkkV_FGCAWWaq0aG6GWRh4TPJPBEk4Wa/s400/cobalt-mine-child-labor-apple+3.jpg" width="400" /></span></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Amnesty’s latest report on cobalt supply chains, <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/afr62/7395/2017/en/" rel="nofollow" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; border-bottom-color: rgb(247, 34, 16); border-image: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-style: none none solid; border-top-color: initial; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box; list-style: none outside none; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">published in November last year</a>, ranked Apple favourably against other tech firms, citing the company’s decision to publish the names of its cobalt suppliers. Amnesty said Apple was currently the “industry leader… but the bar is low,” adding that the company still fell short of taking all possible action to ensure responsible cobalt sourcing.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">In a 2016 report, Apple revealed that 20 percent of its cobalt supply came “from sources that don’t currently have responsible sourcing programs in place to meet our rigorous requirements,” adding that it was not cutting ties with these mines because it wanted to effect change.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">“We’ve consciously chosen to stay engaged with mines and smelters that are not yet meeting our high standards and will work with them to develop responsible practices,” the <a href="https://images.apple.com/supplier-responsibility/pdf/Apple-Commitment-to-Responsible-Sourcing.pdf" rel="nofollow" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; border-bottom-color: rgb(247, 34, 16); border-image: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-style: none none solid; border-top-color: initial; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box; list-style: none outside none; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">report</a> stated.</span></div>
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<span class="embed-image" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; display: block; list-style: none outside none; margin: 0px; outline: none 0px; padding: 0px;"><span class="figure" itemprop="image" itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/ImageObject" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; display: block; list-style: none outside none; margin: 0px; outline: none 0px; padding: 0px;"><span class="figcaption" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; display: block; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-weight: bold; line-height: 20px; list-style: none outside none; margin: 0px; outline: none 0px; padding: 0px;"><span class="credit" itemprop="copyrightHolder" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; display: block; list-style: none outside none; margin: 10px 0px 0px; outline: none 0px; padding: 0px; text-transform: uppercase;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL</span></span></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Apple also compared favourably to other leading tech companies in a study by Greenpeace last year that judged firms on their transparency, performance and advocacy efforts, though campaigners warn that the Cupertino company will face a brand new type of challenge when dealing directly with mining companies.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Elizabeth Jardin, an IT campaigner at Greenpeace, told <em style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; list-style: none outside none; margin: 0px; outline: none 0px; padding: 0px;"> Newsweek: </em>“As companies move to ensure a steady supply of cobalt for their products, Apple and others must also take greater responsibility to ensure stronger standards to protect the health of the miners and the surrounding environment.”</span></div>
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<a href="http://www.newsweek.com/iphone-x-release-human-cost-apples-most-expensive-ever-iphone-699901" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; border-bottom-color: rgb(247, 34, 16); border-image: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-style: none none solid; border-top-color: initial; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box; list-style: none outside none; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none;"><strong style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; list-style: none outside none; margin: 0px; outline: none 0px; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Read more: With the release of the iPhone X, what is the human cost of Apple’s most expensive ever iPhone?</span></strong></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The issue is one that has occupied Dutch smartphone maker Fairphone since 2013, when it began working with traceability initiatives in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The startup’s aim was to produce an ethically-minded device, though the complexity of supply chains mean it is still unable to boast of a truly fairtrade handset.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">“Even Fairphone isn’t able to meet its own standards,” Tessa Wernink, co-founder of Fairphone, told <em style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; list-style: none outside none; margin: 0px; outline: none 0px; padding: 0px;">Newsweek </em>at the launch of <a href="http://www.newsweek.com/fairphone-2-review-414702" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; border-bottom-color: rgb(247, 34, 16); border-image: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-style: none none solid; border-top-color: initial; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box; list-style: none outside none; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none;">the Fairphone 2</a> in 2016. “There’s around 30 minerals in the smartphone and so far we’ve only been able to trace two back to conflict-free mines.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">A spokesperson for the firm tells <em style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; list-style: none outside none; margin: 0px; outline: none 0px; padding: 0px;">Newsweek</em> that cobalt is a “focus mineral” for Fairphone and partnered with Hayou Cobalt last year to set up a traceable supply chain for the material.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">“Even though cobalt is not classified as a ‘conflict mineral’, the mining conditions are often associated with severe human rights violations, including child labor,” Fairphone said in a November <a href="https://www.fairphone.com/en/2017/11/15/closer-look-efforts-improve-cobalt-sourcing/" rel="nofollow" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; border-bottom-color: rgb(247, 34, 16); border-image: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-style: none none solid; border-top-color: initial; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box; list-style: none outside none; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">blogpost</a> on its website that explored the issue of cobalt sourcing.</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgEy5OgPGhsiSmaLVL0jg677L08t_s5iJ2IYYw0qkDMlEJ9KCHeXzeANNRer_Q_dHr2EoVrxOUWqOZ4cSl_1ghSLmOPa0rcVFY1NknDaV_Ailumx_YtmRolpGYMkxDAWBdufo786aPqklZy/s1600/fairphone-2-review-hands.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1009" data-original-width="1440" height="280" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgEy5OgPGhsiSmaLVL0jg677L08t_s5iJ2IYYw0qkDMlEJ9KCHeXzeANNRer_Q_dHr2EoVrxOUWqOZ4cSl_1ghSLmOPa0rcVFY1NknDaV_Ailumx_YtmRolpGYMkxDAWBdufo786aPqklZy/s400/fairphone-2-review-hands.jpg" width="400" /></span></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Fairphone describes the need to improve the cobalt mining sector as “urgent” and said it has invited other brands to join them in setting up a new supply chain, but has not revealed which.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">In addition to the improvements required in Apple’s supply chain, the most irresponsible companies when it comes to cobalt sourcing, according to Amnesty, include Microsoft, Huawei and Lenovo. As demand for the finite resource continues to grow, Amnesty International has called for these companies to take more action.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">“This is a crucial moment for change,” Seema Joshi, head of business and human rights at Amnesty International, when its latest report into child labor in cobalt mines was published.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">“The energy solutions of the future must not be built on human rights abuses.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">BY ANTHONY CUTHBERTSON </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Newsweek US</span></div>
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OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-19572465287253610982018-02-23T18:00:00.000+00:002018-02-23T18:48:50.178+00:00Congo Bribery Probe Puts Israeli Billionaire’s Future on Hold<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://plus.google.com/u/0/+IshiabaKasongack" target="_blank">Congo Bribery Probe Puts Israeli Billionaire’s Future on Hold</a></span></h2>
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">23/02/2018</span><br />
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<li><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Gertler, longtime friend of president, made billions on deals</span></li>
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<li><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">U.S. sanctions are squeezing Gertler’s ability to do business</span></li>
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<span class="lede-media-image__caption caption" style="border: 0px; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: start; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Dan Gertler in Katanga province, Democratic Republic</span></span></div>
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<span class="lede-media-image__caption caption" style="border: 0px; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: start; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">of Congo</span></span><span class="lede-media-image__caption caption" style="border: 0px; color: #767676; font-family: , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 14px; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">.</span><span style="color: #767676; font-family: , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 14px;"> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">A 20-year friendship that helped turn Dan Gertler into a billionaire has left the Israeli businessman with a lot fewer places to go.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">The U.S. government accused Gertler of corrupt mining and oil deals in the Democratic Republic of Congo and said he acted as a middle-man to enrich his longtime buddy, President Joseph Kabila. The two have been <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2012-12-05/gertler-earns-billions-as-mine-deals-leave-congo-poorest" target="_blank">close</a> since Gertler arrived as a young diamond merchant during a civil war in 1997, and Congo -- one of Africa’s poorest countries -- is the main source of his wealth.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">“Most of my business is in the Congo and my faith is in the Congo,” Gertler, 44, said in a rare interview on Dec. 21, just hours before the U.S. government imposed economic sanctions against him.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">At the time, he remained defiantly optimistic about his businesses even as he was being singled out by American and British investigators conducting prolonged bribery and corruption probes related to some of his Congo deals. “I am a strong believer in the future of the Congo," he said. But doing anything inside and out of Africa has gotten a lot harder for him in the past two months.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Sanctions have shut Gertler out of the American financial system, halting access to the dollars that are the main currency used in Congo and in global raw-material deals. U.S. companies are banned from doing business with him. Former partners are distancing themselves.</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhJIsHu2SZd2Ag44hXpYNawdYrx_xoV491E5nBSUlmVFRNw4O7n1F64ErtYvk1k5D46yB7IDUrpOCJJeumHrd51YcIGHHrtIVosRLgh5Ex8BBNmUDKLpcrBPLUEowhUsOkZYsKz4i3tmlgs/s1600/1000x-1.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" data-original-height="562" data-original-width="1000" height="223" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhJIsHu2SZd2Ag44hXpYNawdYrx_xoV491E5nBSUlmVFRNw4O7n1F64ErtYvk1k5D46yB7IDUrpOCJJeumHrd51YcIGHHrtIVosRLgh5Ex8BBNmUDKLpcrBPLUEowhUsOkZYsKz4i3tmlgs/s400/1000x-1.png" width="400" /></span></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">“All our payments have ceased forthwith,” said Mark Bristow, the chief executive officer of Randgold Resources Ltd., which has a gold exploration project with Gertler’s Fleurette Group in northeast Congo. “We’ve got U.S. directors, and we are listed on the Nasdaq. We cannot entertain doing business and transacting in any form.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">‘Unjust’ Sanctions</span></h3>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">To be sure, Congo’s government stands by Gertler, who still holds mineral and <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2013-09-18/billionaire-gertler-seeks-partner-for-potential-congo-oil-find" itemprop="StoryLink" itemscope="itemscope" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(40, 0, 215); border-bottom-style: solid; border-image: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-left-style: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-right-style: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-top-style: initial; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank" title="Billionaire Gertler Seeks Partner for Potential Congo Oil Find">oil rights</a> in the country and funds education and health centers. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">The sanctions are “unjust,” Albert Yuma, chairman of Congo’s state-owned mining company, Gecamines, said during an interview in Cape Town, South Africa. Gecamines was a key counterparty in many of Gertler’s most lucrative copper deals. Gertler is being targeted because of the West’s deteriorating relations with Kabila, Yuma said.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">And then there is Glencore Plc, the global commodity trader that was once Gertler’s most important partner in Congo. Though Glencore <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-02-13/glencore-said-to-agree-on-gertler-buyout-in-960-million-deal" itemprop="StoryLink" itemscope="itemscope" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(40, 0, 215); border-bottom-style: solid; border-image: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-left-style: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-right-style: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-top-style: initial; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank" title="Glencore Buys Out Billionaire With $1 Billion Congo Mining Deal">bought</a> his share in their two joint-venture mines last February, it is still required to pay Gertler <a class="terminal-news-story" href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/terminal/OLGT006K50XU" itemprop="StoryLink" itemscope="itemscope" rel="nofollow noopener" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(40, 0, 215); border-bottom-style: solid; border-image: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-left-style: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-right-style: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-top-style: initial; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank" title="Gertler Keeps Royalties From Glencore Congo Mines After Sale (1)">royalties</a> he acquired from Gecamines in earlier deals. Brussels-based Resource Matters estimates he would receive almost <a class="terminal-news-story" href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/terminal/P4GEID6JIJUZ" itemprop="StoryLink" itemscope="itemscope" rel="nofollow noopener" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(40, 0, 215); border-bottom-style: solid; border-image: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-left-style: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-right-style: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-top-style: initial; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank" title="Glencore Still Reviewing Relations With Sanctioned Gertler (1)">$200 million</a>over the next two years.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">“Randgold appears to be taking steps to end the relationship, but will Glencore?” the advocacy group Global Witness said Sunday.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">While the Swiss company pledged to honor the sanctions, it says it is still reviewing its contractual obligations and if it will continue to make the payments.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">“We’ve got to follow the correct procedures and we’ll come to the right conclusions,” said Ivan Glasenberg, the chief executive officer.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Peter Grauer, the chairman of Bloomberg LP, the parent of Bloomberg News, is a senior independent non-executive director at Glencore.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Gertler has declined requests by Bloomberg for comment since the sanctions were imposed. But even before then, he said he was being unfairly targeted.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">In 2016, U.S. court documents alleged Gertler channeled more than $100 million in bribes to Congolese officials on behalf of New York hedge fund Och-Ziff Capital Management LP, which paid $413 million to settle federal charges. Gertler was never charged. Separately, the U.K.’s Serious Fraud Office is <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2016-12-05/sfo-probes-israeli-billionaire-ex-enrc-directors-on-congo-deals" itemprop="StoryLink" itemscope="itemscope" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(40, 0, 215); border-bottom-style: solid; border-image: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-left-style: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-right-style: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-top-style: initial; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank" title="SFO Probes Israeli Billionaire, Ex-ENRC Directors Over Congo (1)">investigating </a>the 2010 to 2012 acquisitions of some Congo mines by <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/quote/ENRC:LN" itemprop="StoryLink" itemscope="itemscope" rel="nofollow noopener" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(40, 0, 215); border-bottom-style: solid; border-image: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-left-style: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-right-style: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-top-style: initial; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Company Overview">Eurasian National Resources Corp.</a> from Gertler, who had obtained them from the government at what Global Witness alleges were below-market prices.</span></div>
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<a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/gadfly/articles/2018-02-21/black-panther-has-a-lesson-for-the-curse-of-cobalt" itemprop="StoryLink" itemscope="itemscope" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(40, 0, 215); border-bottom-style: solid; border-image: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-left-style: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-right-style: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-top-style: initial; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank" title="Click for full story"><span style="color: black; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">For an explanation of Congo’s appeal for mining companies, click here.</span></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Gertler denies paying bribes in Congo to secure mining deals and insists his success reflects a long-standing friendship with the country’s 46-year-old president and a track record for delivering results. Gertler credits himself for bringing more than $7 billion of foreign direct investment to Congo, creating thousands of jobs and helping to make the country Africa’s biggest copper producer.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif; text-align: left;">Joseph Kabila</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">“We started to invest in the early days -- when nobody else wanted to invest, when the country was at war, when the copper and cobalt prices were at the bottom,” Gertler said in the interview on the 12th floor of an office building in Tel Aviv where his grandfather founded a diamond exchange 70 years ago.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Over the years, he became a kind of gatekeeper. His office -- which doubles as a Congolese diplomatic post according to a sign on the door -- includes pictures of Gertler and Kabila together in their 20s and aerial shots of the mine he built with Glencore.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Glencore was his biggest partner, and the two became synonymous in Congo. It was a relationship Gertler says he managed directly with Glasenberg. Between 2007 and 2017, the pair participated in more than a dozen transactions involving Congolese assets that turned Glencore into the world’s third-largest copper producer and No. 1 in cobalt. They also helped Gertler accumulate more than $2 billion in wealth, according to <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/billionaires/" itemprop="StoryLink" itemscope="itemscope" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(40, 0, 215); border-bottom-style: solid; border-image: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-left-style: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-right-style: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-top-style: initial; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank" title="Bloomberg Billionaires Index">data</a> compiled by Bloomberg. Glencore’s businesses operate on <a href="http://www.glencore.com/our-world/global-operations/" itemprop="StoryLink" itemscope="itemscope" rel="nofollow noopener" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(40, 0, 215); border-bottom-style: solid; border-image: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-left-style: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-right-style: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-top-style: initial; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank" title="Glencore’s Global Assets">six continents</a> and involve more than 90 different commodities.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">“The difference between Glencore and me: Glencore has many Congos, I have one,” Gertler said. "I have one country, one focus."</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Diplomats have counseled Gertler that distancing himself from Kabila could help reduce the focus on his activities, advice that he says he will continue to reject.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Kabila was due to step down in 2016 when his term expired, but he has held on to power and the job he took in 2001 after his father was assassinated. Over the past 18 months, the U.S. has sanctioned five Congolese officials, including the head of its intelligence agency, for human-rights abuses and undermining democratic processes.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">“Should I decide who are my friends because of the threat of investigation, pressure from Global Witness or public relations?" Gertler said, rising from his chair to stride the room. “Never!”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">By Thomas Wilson</span></div>
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OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-56003352048976106572018-01-26T03:42:00.002+00:002018-01-26T03:42:58.372+00:00Conflict in Congo has led to children being sexually abused and recruited as soldiers, finds Unicef<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://plus.google.com/+IshiabaKasongack" target="_blank">Conflict in Congo has led to children being sexually abused and recruited as soldiers, finds Unicef</a></span></h2>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">26/01/2018</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">More than 3,000 boys and girls recruited by militias and armed groups over past year</span></span></h3>
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<span style="background-color: white; text-align: start;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; text-align: start;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">displaced thousands of children </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">At least 1.3 million people have been displaced in the Democratic Republic of <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/topic/Congo" style="background: 0px 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none;">Congo</a> by inter-ethnic violence and clashes between the regular army, militia and armed groups, according to a Unicef report.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">More than 800,000 children have been displaced in just two provinces - Tanganyika and South Kivu - with many facing sexual abuse or forced to serve as soldiers.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The country is now home to one of the largest displacement crises in the world for children.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 20px; padding: 0px; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/topic/UNICEF" style="background: 0px 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none;">Unicef</a> and its partners identified more than 800 cases of sexual abuse, although the true scale of sexual violence against children is believed to be much larger.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 20px; padding: 0px; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">More than 3,000 children have been recruited by militias and armed groups over the past year.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Yves Willemot, the charity's head of communication in the <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/topic/drc" style="background: 0px 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none;">DRC</a>, told <em style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">The</em> <em style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">Independent: </em>“There has been a direct impact on local people.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 20px; padding: 0px; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">“The number of malnourished people in increasing rapidly because their communities are no longer producing food as violence has prevented people growing crops in fields.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 20px; padding: 0px; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">“Health centres are not functioning anymore, so malaria cases are becoming more deadly than they used to be. Schools are not functioning anymore, which is affecting children in the long term."</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 20px; padding: 0px; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">“Hundreds of thousands of children in the region no longer have access to health care and education, while many have suffered atrocities at the hands of combatants.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 20px; padding: 0px; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">“It is simply a brutal situation for children with no end in sight.”</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 20px; padding: 0px; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">He added: “The most important thing is these children are being denied the chance to be a child - it affects their long term development and opportunities."</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 20px; padding: 0px; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Tajudeen Oyewale, Unicef's acting representative in the DRC, said: “Children in the eastern DRC continue to suffer devastating consequences as waves of violence destabilise the region.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 20px; padding: 0px; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">“Hundreds of thousands of children in the region no longer have access to health care and education, while many have suffered atrocities at the hands of combatants.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 20px; padding: 0px; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">“It is simply a brutal situation for children with no end in sight.”</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 28px; margin-bottom: 20px; padding: 0px; word-wrap: break-word;">
<b><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span itemprop="name" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">Lydia Smith</span> </span></b></div>
<div>
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b>Independent UK</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-10752628090794279082018-01-02T00:24:00.000+00:002018-01-02T00:24:56.408+00:00Dictatorship and Neo-Colonialism in the Congo<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://plus.google.com/u/0/+IshiabaKasongack" target="_blank">Dictatorship and Neo-Colonialism in the Congo</a></span></h2>
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">02/01/2018</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 18pt;">The people of the Democratic Republic of Congo have begun <a data-beacon-parsed="true" data-beacon="{"p":{"lnid":"protesting","mpid":1,"plid":"https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/dec/31/congo-security-forces-shoot-two-dead-during-protest-against-president"}}" data-rapid-parsed="slk" data-rapid_p="1" data-v9y="1" data-ylk="subsec:paragraph;cpos:1" href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/dec/31/congo-security-forces-shoot-two-dead-during-protest-against-president" style="box-shadow: rgb(13, 190, 152) 0px -2px 0px inset; box-sizing: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">protesting </a>against
Joseph Kabila, who has been in power in the Congo since 2001. Kabila was
required to step down from power since last year, but elections in the Congo
have been delayed until December 2018. The Congolese government has responded
to these protests with violence force; the same type of violence force that has
been used against protesters in other African countries such as <a data-beacon-parsed="true" data-beacon="{"p":{"lnid":"Cameroon","mpid":2,"plid":"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-cameroon-politics/at-least-eight-dead-amid-cameroon-anglophone-protests-idUSKCN1C61R6"}}" data-rapid-parsed="slk" data-rapid_p="2" data-v9y="1" data-ylk="subsec:paragraph;cpos:1" href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-cameroon-politics/at-least-eight-dead-amid-cameroon-anglophone-protests-idUSKCN1C61R6" style="box-shadow: rgb(13, 190, 152) 0px -2px 0px inset; box-sizing: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Cameroon</a>, <a data-beacon-parsed="true" data-beacon="{"p":{"lnid":"Togo","mpid":3,"plid":"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-togo-protests/four-killed-in-togo-as-protesters-clash-with-security-forces-idUSKBN1CN2E2"}}" data-rapid-parsed="slk" data-rapid_p="3" data-v9y="1" data-ylk="subsec:paragraph;cpos:1" href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-togo-protests/four-killed-in-togo-as-protesters-clash-with-security-forces-idUSKBN1CN2E2" style="box-shadow: rgb(13, 190, 152) 0px -2px 0px inset; box-sizing: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Togo</a>,
and <a data-beacon-parsed="true" data-beacon="{"p":{"lnid":"Kenya","mpid":4,"plid":"https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/10/15/kenya-police-killed-beat-post-election-protesters"}}" data-rapid-parsed="slk" data-rapid_p="4" data-v9y="1" data-ylk="subsec:paragraph;cpos:1" href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/10/15/kenya-police-killed-beat-post-election-protesters" style="box-shadow: rgb(13, 190, 152) 0px -2px 0px inset; box-sizing: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">Kenya</a>.
Police and soldiers have been sent out to brutalize the protesters. The
government also ordered that internet <a data-beacon-parsed="true" data-beacon="{"p":{"lnid":"services","mpid":5,"plid":"http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/12/drc-blocks-internet-anti-kabila-protests-planned-171231055012918.html"}}" data-rapid-parsed="slk" data-rapid_p="5" data-v9y="1" data-ylk="subsec:paragraph;cpos:1" href="http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/12/drc-blocks-internet-anti-kabila-protests-planned-171231055012918.html" style="box-shadow: rgb(13, 190, 152) 0px -2px 0px inset; box-sizing: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">services </a>be
cut off in an attempt to restrict communication in the country, much as the
government of Togo <a data-beacon-parsed="true" data-beacon="{"p":{"lnid":"did","mpid":6,"plid":"https://qz.com/1070753/togo-shuts-down-internet-to-counter-anti-faure-gnassingbe-protests/"}}" data-rapid-parsed="slk" data-rapid_p="6" data-v9y="1" data-ylk="subsec:paragraph;cpos:1" href="https://qz.com/1070753/togo-shuts-down-internet-to-counter-anti-faure-gnassingbe-protests/" style="box-shadow: rgb(13, 190, 152) 0px -2px 0px inset; box-sizing: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">did</a> when
the protests began there.</span><span style="font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 18pt;">The current
crisis in the Congo is just the latest crisis for a country that has been in
constant crisis since obtaining its independence from Belgium in 1960. It would
be more accurate to say that the Congo has been in a crisis for several
centuries now, but for the purposes of this piece I will focus specifically on
what has happened in the Congo since 1960. Patrice Lumumba became the Congo’s
first prime minister after the country became independent, but not long after
independence the Congo was thrown into turmoil, which resulted in Lumumba being
assassinated. Both the United States and Belgium were opposed to Lumumba and
conspired to eliminate him. After Lumumba was assassinated, Mobutu became the
president of the Congo, which he renamed Zaire.</span><span style="font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 18pt;">Mobutu
remained in office from 1965 until 1997. During that time his government was
notorious for its corruption, mismanagement of state funds, and for its human
rights abuses. Despite being one of the worst dictators in Africa, Mobutu
enjoyed the support of the United States, France, and Belgium. Mobutu was
finally deposed and was replaced by Laurent Kabila, Joseph’s father. Laurent
was assassinated in 2001 and his son Joseph has been the president of the Congo
ever since.</span><span style="font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 18pt;">Aside from
poor leadership, the Congo has also been plagued by ongoing internal conflicts
which have resulted in the death and displacement of millions of people. Sexual
violence has also been so prevalent in the Congo that the Congo has been labeled
as the <a data-beacon-parsed="true" data-beacon="{"p":{"lnid":"rape capital of the world","mpid":7,"plid":"http://www.cnn.com/2017/10/19/africa/denis-mukwege-congo-doctor-rape/index.html"}}" data-rapid-parsed="slk" data-rapid_p="8" data-v9y="1" data-ylk="subsec:paragraph;cpos:4" href="http://www.cnn.com/2017/10/19/africa/denis-mukwege-congo-doctor-rape/index.html" style="box-shadow: rgb(13, 190, 152) 0px -2px 0px inset; box-sizing: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">rape
capital of the world</a>. Rather than address these issues, the government of
the Congo has tried to cover up the atrocities. For example, in 2015 the
government <a data-beacon-parsed="true" data-beacon="{"p":{"lnid":"banned","mpid":8,"plid":"http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2015/09/dr-congo-bans-film-denis-mukwege-rape-victims-150903061147397.html"}}" data-rapid-parsed="slk" data-rapid_p="9" data-v9y="1" data-ylk="subsec:paragraph;cpos:4" href="http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2015/09/dr-congo-bans-film-denis-mukwege-rape-victims-150903061147397.html" style="box-shadow: rgb(13, 190, 152) 0px -2px 0px inset; box-sizing: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">banned</a>a
film that was about Dr. Denis Mukwege, a surgeon in the Congo who has treated
thousands of women that were raped during the conflict. Mukwege has also been
an outspoken critic of the conflict in the Congo, which resulted in an <a data-beacon-parsed="true" data-beacon="{"p":{"lnid":"attempt on his life","mpid":9,"plid":"https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2012/10/dr-congo/"}}" data-rapid-parsed="slk" data-rapid_p="10" data-v9y="1" data-ylk="subsec:paragraph;cpos:4" href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2012/10/dr-congo/" style="box-shadow: rgb(13, 190, 152) 0px -2px 0px inset; box-sizing: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">attempt
on his life</a>.</span><span style="font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 18pt;">Despite the
deplorable human rights situation in the Congo and the fact that Kabila has
shown a refusal to give up power, Western governments continue to support him.
When Kabila did not step down after his term ended in 2016, American ambassador
Samantha Power called for Kabila to organize elections in 2017, despite the
fact that Kabila’s term ended in 2016. Donald Trump came into office and his
administration has <a data-beacon-parsed="true" data-beacon="{"p":{"lnid":"continued","mpid":10,"plid":"https://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/kabilas-new-years-eve-message-to-the-congolese-people_us_5a49210ce4b0d86c803c77ce"}}" data-rapid-parsed="slk" data-rapid_p="11" data-v9y="1" data-ylk="subsec:paragraph;cpos:5" href="https://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/kabilas-new-years-eve-message-to-the-congolese-people_us_5a49210ce4b0d86c803c77ce" style="box-shadow: rgb(13, 190, 152) 0px -2px 0px inset; box-sizing: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">continued</a> the
same policy of simply calling for elections to be held the next year. Over the
years Western governments had <a data-beacon-parsed="true" data-beacon="{"p":{"lnid":"provided aid","mpid":11,"plid":"https://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/nov/27/congo-british-aid-failure"}}" data-rapid-parsed="slk" data-rapid_p="12" data-v9y="1" data-ylk="subsec:paragraph;cpos:5" href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/nov/27/congo-british-aid-failure" style="box-shadow: rgb(13, 190, 152) 0px -2px 0px inset; box-sizing: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">provided
aid</a> to Kabila and helped to legitimize him. These same governments
have also<a data-beacon-parsed="true" data-beacon="{"p":{"lnid":"backed","mpid":12,"plid":"https://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/jul/25/paul-kagame-rwanda-us-britain"}}" data-rapid-parsed="slk" data-rapid_p="13" data-v9y="1" data-ylk="subsec:paragraph;cpos:5" href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/jul/25/paul-kagame-rwanda-us-britain" style="box-shadow: rgb(13, 190, 152) 0px -2px 0px inset; box-sizing: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank"> backed</a> Paul
Kagame of Rwanda, who has also played a <a data-beacon-parsed="true" data-beacon="{"p":{"lnid":"significant role","mpid":13,"plid":"http://www.newsweek.com/case-against-rwandas-president-paul-kagame-63167"}}" data-rapid-parsed="slk" data-rapid_p="14" data-v9y="1" data-ylk="subsec:paragraph;cpos:5" href="http://www.newsweek.com/case-against-rwandas-president-paul-kagame-63167" style="box-shadow: rgb(13, 190, 152) 0px -2px 0px inset; box-sizing: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">significant
role</a> in the instability in the Congo. The crisis in the Congo is not
only a crisis that has been caused by corrupt and incompetent dictatorial
leadership, but it is also a crisis that has been caused by the legacy of
neo-colonialism in the Congo. The foreign forces that conspired to remove
Lumumba are the same foreign forces that continue to support the very African
politicians that are responsible for the Congo being destabilized.</span><span style="font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 1.75rem; line-height: 18.0pt; margin-bottom: 15.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<b><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 18pt;">By Dwayne Wong
(Omowale)<span style="white-space: pre-wrap;">, </span></span><span style="font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div style="box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 1.75rem; line-height: 18.0pt; margin-bottom: 15.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span style="white-space: pre-wrap;"><b><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 18pt;">HUFFPOST</span></b></span><span style="font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-22204758983846266262017-12-22T18:48:00.000+00:002017-12-22T18:48:38.541+00:00Israeli billionaire miner added to US sanctions list for Congo ties<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<h2 style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://plus.google.com/u/0/+IshiabaKasongack" style="background-color: white;" target="_blank">Israeli billionaire miner added to US sanctions list for Congo ties</a></span></h2>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">22/12/2017</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Dan Gertler accused of amassing fortune in corrupt Democratic Republic of Congo deals</span></span></h3>
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<span style="background-color: white; text-align: start;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Dan Gertler, an Israeli billionaire investor, has been</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; text-align: start;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"> added to a US list of people it described as serious</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; text-align: start;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"> human rights abusers and corrupt actors</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Dan Gertler, an Israeli billionaire invested in the Democratic Republic of Congo’s mining sector, has been added to a US Treasury’s list of individuals under sanction, potentially squeezing his ability to conduct further business.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">In an executive order signed by President Donald Trump, the Treasury included Mr Gertler in a list of 13 people it described as “serious human rights abusers and corrupt actors”. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Mr Gertler, it said, had “amassed his fortune through hundreds of millions of dollars’ worth of opaque and corrupt mining and oil deals” in the DRC. He had, it said, used his close friendship with President Joseph Kabila “to act as a middleman for mining asset sales in the DRC, requiring some multinational companies to go through Gertler to do business with the Congolese state”. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Steven Mnuchin, the US Treasury secretary, said: “The Treasury and our inter-agency partners will continue to take decisive and impactful actions to hold accountable those who abuse human rights, perpetrate corruption and undermine American ideals.”</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The action was taken as part of the so-called Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act, which was passed by Congress last year.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">As a result of Mr Gertler’s actions, the Treasury said, between 2010 and 2012 alone, the DRC, one of the world’s poorest countries, may have lost more than $1.36bn in revenues from the underpricing of mining assets that were sold to offshore companies linked to the Israeli businessmen.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">It described one deal, in 2013, in which Mr Gertler had allegedly sold rights to an oil block to the DRC government for $150m, even though he had paid the government just $500,000 for the same block. “Gertler has acted for or on behalf of Kabila, helping Kabila organise offshore leasing companies,” it said. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Mr Gertler could not immediately be contacted for comment. In the past, he has said that he has never paid bribes and that he should be awarded a Nobel prize for helping to bring millions of dollars of revenue to Congo. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Elisabeth Caesens, director of Resource Matters, a Brussels-based non-governmental organisation, and an expert on the Congolese mining industry, said: “This is the first time that a US official institution explicitly accuses Dan Gertler of corrupt dealmaking in the Democratic Republic of Congo and imposes direct sanctions on him and 17 of his companies.”</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The US action, she said, gave a “very strong warning for any company that has done, is doing or considers doing business with him in Congo”. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">In settlement documents released in September by US authorities in a scandal involving Och-Ziff, the New York hedge fund, it was alleged that an “Israeli businessman” — whose description clearly matched Mr Gertler — had paid bribes to Mr Kabila in order to obtain special access to mining rights in the DRC. Yet Mr Gertler had not been explicitly named, said Ms Caesens, adding that Thursday’s US action represented a considerable advance.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The action could also affect oil blocks owned by Mr Gertler, she said. “Gertler-affiliated companies that own oil licences in eastern Congo also feature on the sanctions list. This will arguably make it impossible for Gertler and his holding to find an investor willing to develop the blocks.” </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">In March, Glencore, the Swiss mining and trading conglomerate, severed its ties with Mr Gertler after agreeing to pay him $534m for his share of two jointly owned copper mines. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">A spokesman for Glencore on Thursday said the company “complies with applicable sanctions”, meaning that royalty payments from Kamoto Mine, the operator of the hugely profitable Katanga copper and cobalt mine, would have to stop. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Analysts said that the sanctions against Mr Gertler, an alleged financier of Mr Kabila, could hit the Congolese leader hard, potentially ratcheting up the pressure on him to hold long overdue elections. The international community has been urging Mr Kabila, who has run the country since 2001, to hold elections that were originally scheduled for December 2016 but which have never taken place. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">As well as Mr Gertler, others on the US sanctions list included Yahya Jameh, the former leader of Gambia who fled the country earlier this year after losing an election that ended his 23 years in power. Mr Jameh, who is in exile in Equatorial Guinea, had “a long history of engaging in serious human rights abuses and corruption”, the Treasury said.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-weight: 600;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">David Pilling</span></span></div>
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OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-50689623211043333862017-12-20T08:31:00.003+00:002017-12-20T08:31:59.655+00:00Congo's hidden 'mega-crisis' is most neglected of 2017: poll<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<b><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://plus.google.com/u/0/+IshiabaKasongack" target="_blank">Congo's hidden 'mega-crisis' is most neglected of 2017: poll</a></span></b></h2>
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<span style="background-color: white; text-align: start;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Joseph Kabila </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">With millions of people on the brink of a humanitarian catastrophe and children facing unspeakable violence, the Democratic Republic of Congo was the most neglected crisis in 2017, according to a survey of aid agencies.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Overshadowed by the Syrian war and Rohingya refugee exodus from Myanmar, Congo barely made headlines despite horrific violence that has erupted in the centre of the vast country, they said.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The Central African Republic, with its "off the charts" vulnerability, and Yemen - ravaged by war and hunger - ranked behind Congo in the Thomson Reuters Foundation poll of 20 leading aid organisations.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">"A massive humanitarian crisis has been unfolding in the Congo almost unnoticed," said Mark Smith, World Vision's emergencies chief.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">"The scale and brutality of what is happening to children in hard to reach places is almost unimaginable."</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">An insurrection against the government in the Greater Kasai region has displaced more than 1 million people in what the Norwegian Refugee Council called a "mega-crisis".</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Food shortages have left millions hungry with hundreds of thousands of children at risk of dying.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Agencies have received accounts of mass killings, rapes and beheadings. There have also been reports of horrendous attacks on babies and young children.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Children as young as 10 have been recruited by armed groups, while others left orphaned are sleeping alone in forests.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Kasai's poor roads and telecommunications have made access challenging, contributing to its invisibility, agencies said.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Provinces in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo also remain volatile. Across the country, 13.1 million people need assistance, nearly a third of whom are displaced.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">World Vision said it believed years of repeated and overlapping conflicts in Congo meant it had "fallen off people's radar" - a view echoed by others.</span></span></div>
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<strong style="background-color: white; box-sizing: inherit;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">"DELIBERATE STARVATION"</span></strong></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Congo was named by nearly half those polled, but many said there had been such a plethora of crises in 2017 - with at least four countries at risk of famine - that it was hard to pick the most neglected.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Oxfam named Central African Republic (CAR) as "the most forgotten of forgotten crises" with 2.4 million people needing help "in a country that most people don't even know exists".</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">CAR has been racked by violence since mainly Muslim rebels ousted the president in 2013, provoking a backlash from Christian militias.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The U.N. refugee agency said 1.1 million people - nearly a quarter of the population - had fallen through the cracks and warned the "calamitous situation" would worsen unless a massive funding shortfall was addressed.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Although Yemen has made headlines this year, agencies said the coverage did not begin to reflect the enormity of what was happening.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">"The lack of public awareness ... is truly shocking given the sheer scale of suffering and deliberate starvation of much of the population," said Jean-Michel Grand, executive director of Action Against Hunger UK.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">This week marked 1,000 days since the escalation of a conflict which has uprooted more than 2 million people, left 8.4 million close to famine and triggered a massive cholera epidemic.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The warring parties have attacked schools and hospitals and restricted aid.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">"The past year has been incredibly harrowing," said Islamic Relief Worldwide CEO Naser Haghamed.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">"Despite an increase in media coverage and political intervention, the true scale of the emergency is still not dominant in the consciousness of the wider world."</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">International Medical Corps said the level of need was "unfathomably immense" and the situation almost entirely manmade.</span></span></div>
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<strong style="background-color: white; box-sizing: inherit;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">"WEAPON OF WAR"</span></strong></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Two agencies flagged the displacement crisis in the Lake Chad Basin, which was voted the most neglected emergency in last year's poll.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">An eight-year campaign by Boko Haram militants to create an Islamist caliphate has affected millions of people.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">With most coverage focused on Nigeria, Plan International singled out the impact on its forgotten neighbour Niger where more than 400,000 people need help.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">It said militants were killing and threatening teachers, forcing children to miss school and raising their vulnerability to sexual violence, abduction and enslavement.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">"These children deserve the world's attention. The violence which is robbing a generation of an education and forcing them to grow up in a world of fear has got to stop," said Plan's humanitarian director Roger Yates.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">With starvation threatening millions in Nigeria, South Sudan, Somalia and Yemen, one agency picked famine as the year's most neglected crisis.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Mercy Corps' humanitarian chief Michael Bowers said food was increasingly being used as a "weapon of war" with little action taken by the international community.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">"Global hunger is on the rise for the first time this century," he said. "We fear 2018 will look much like 2017 without a massive drive to fight back hunger."</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; text-transform: uppercase;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">BY THOMSON REUTERS FOUNDATION</span></span></div>
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OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-40138328401047192742017-11-06T14:34:00.000+00:002017-11-06T14:34:25.354+00:00The inside story of Glencore's hidden dealings in DRC<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: x-large; line-height: 107%; margin: 0px;">The inside story of Glencore's hidden dealings in DRC</span></h2>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; text-align: start;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"> A copper mine seen from the air in Katanga province,</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; text-align: start;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">DRC.</span></span></div>
<b><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></b>
<b><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Leaked files reveal for the first time how the secretive
firm enlisted a controversial diamond tycoon – ignoring ‘red flags’</span></b></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">A secretive multinational company worth billions, whose founder turned fugitive was pardoned by a president.</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">An Israeli diamond tycoon, rumoured to be the inspiration for a Hollywood blockbuster.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">And a struggling African nation, blessed and burdened by natural resources, riven by war and corruption.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Behind the black letters of the Paradise Papers lies a world of extraordinary colour.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Obtained by the German newspaper <a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="https://projekte.sueddeutsche.de/paradisepapers/politik/das-ist-das-leak-e229478/" style="background: transparent; border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; text-decoration-line: none !important; touch-action: manipulation; transition: border-color 0.15s ease-out;">Süddeutsche Zeitung</a>, and shared with the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, the Guardian and more than 90 media partners across the globe, <a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="https://www.theguardian.com/news/2017/nov/05/what-are-the-paradise-papers-and-what-do-they-tell-us" style="background: transparent; border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; text-decoration-line: none !important; touch-action: manipulation; transition: border-color 0.15s ease-out;">the Paradise Papers</a> reveal the reality of the arcane world of offshore tax havens and global finance.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures;">And they raise serious questions about the conduct of the commodities multinational </span><a class="u-underline" data-component="auto-linked-tag" data-link-name="auto-linked-tag" href="https://www.theguardian.com/business/glencore" style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; text-decoration-line: none !important; touch-action: manipulation; transition: border-color 0.15s ease-out;">Glencore</a><span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures;"> and the Israeli mining billionaire Dan Gertler in Africa.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">They show that in 2009, Glencore, the world’s biggest mining company, gave a secret $45m loan to Gertler’s company after it enlisted him to secure a controversial mining agreement in the <a class="u-underline" data-component="auto-linked-tag" data-link-name="auto-linked-tag" href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/congo" style="background-attachment: scroll; background-color: transparent; background-image: none; background-repeat: repeat; background-size: auto; border-bottom: 0.96px solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; text-decoration: none; transition-delay: 0s; transition-duration: 0.15s; transition-timing-function: cubic-bezier(0, 0, 0.58, 1);">Democratic Republic of the Congo</a>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Over hundreds of pages, the papers expose in forensic detail how Gertler, whose previous diamond monopoly in DRC was described by the UN as a “disaster” for the country, held Glencore’s imprimatur as key negotiator with Congolese authorities.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="background-color: transparent; display: inline; float: none; font-style: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; font-weight: 900; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 24px; text-align: left; text-decoration: none; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; word-spacing: 0px;"><br /></span>
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<div style="background-attachment: scroll; background-color: transparent; background-image: none; background-repeat: repeat; background-size: auto; font-style: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; font-weight: 400; letter-spacing: normal; margin: 0px 0px 16px; padding: 0px; text-align: left; text-decoration: none; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; word-spacing: 0px;">
<span style="background-color: transparent; display: inline; float: none; font-size: large; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 24px; text-align: left; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; word-spacing: 0px;">In 1997, the 23-year-old scion of one of Israel’s most famous diamond trading families landed in Kinshasa, the dusty capital of DRC, seeking rough stones and a fresh fortune.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The African nation, bitten as hard as any by the resource curse of the developing world, had just emerged from a military coup, which changed the name of the country from Zaire and put Laurent-Désiré Kabila in control.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">It was the self-declared president Gertler befriended, a move that would prove politically and commercially astute.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">In Kinshasa, Gertler first met the president’s son Joseph and then the president. A friendship had begun and, according to a <a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="https://reliefweb.int/report/democratic-republic-congo/report-panel-experts-illegal-exploitation-natural-resources-and" style="background-attachment: scroll; background-image: none; background-repeat: repeat; background-size: auto; border-bottom: 0.96px solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; text-decoration-line: none; transition-delay: 0s; transition-duration: 0.15s; transition-timing-function: cubic-bezier(0, 0, 0.58, 1);">2001 UN investigation</a>, a deal was struck: $20m in cash from Gertler that Kabila would use to buy weapons and fund his war against rebels to consolidate his grip on power.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">In exchange, Gertler’s company IDI was granted a monopoly on the DRC diamond trade, worth hundreds of millions a year. The deal was a “nightmare” for the country, the UN report found.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Gertler’s lawyers said he denied all allegations in the UN report and was not given an opportunity to comment before publication. The UN has not cited him “in any negative context” since 2001, his lawyers said.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The diamond deal would be the first of many. In the nearly two decades since, Gertler has become <a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="https://www.globalwitness.org/sites/default/files/library/glencore%20and%20the%20gatekeeper%20may%202014.pdf" style="background-attachment: scroll; background-color: transparent; background-image: none; background-repeat: repeat; background-size: auto; border-bottom: 0.96px solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; text-decoration: none; transition-delay: 0s; transition-duration: 0.15s; transition-timing-function: cubic-bezier(0, 0, 0.58, 1);">an unofficial gatekeeper</a> in dozens of mining deals across DRC – a country the size of western Europe with a surfeit of natural resources.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">But those valuable resources have not uplifted the country from poverty. Instead, they have brought war and exploitation. DRC remains one of the least developed nations. Devastated by long-running conflict and famines, it remains a place of chronic communal and state violence, where infants die at almost the world’s worst rates and nearly half of all children are stunted by chronic malnutrition.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">According to the 2013 estimate of the Africa Progress Panel, headed by the former UN secretary general Kofi Annan, the unique ability of companies linked to Gertler to win cut-price mining licences and agreements in DRC cost the country <a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="http://www.africaprogresspanel.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/08/2013_APR_Equity_in_Extractives_25062013_ENG_HR.pdf" style="background-attachment: scroll; background-color: transparent; background-image: none; background-repeat: repeat; background-size: auto; border-bottom: 0.96px solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; text-decoration: none; transition-delay: 0s; transition-duration: 0.15s; transition-timing-function: cubic-bezier(0, 0, 0.58, 1);">more than $1.3bn</a>, almost twice the nation’s combined health and education budgets, in one three-year period alone. Gertler’s lawyers said his companies “categorically refute” the allegations in the 2013 report, which they were not given an opportunity to respond <span style="background-color: transparent; display: inline; float: none; font-style: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; font-weight: 400; letter-spacing: normal; text-align: left; text-decoration: none; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; word-spacing: 0px;"> to.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">While DRC has suffered, Gertler – speculated in media reports to have been the loose inspiration for the Leonardo DiCaprio film <a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="https://www.theguardian.com/film/2007/jan/28/leonardodicaprio.thriller" style="background-attachment: scroll; background-color: transparent; background-image: none; background-repeat: repeat; background-size: auto; border-bottom: 0.96px solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; text-decoration: none; transition-delay: 0s; transition-duration: 0.15s; transition-timing-function: cubic-bezier(0, 0, 0.58, 1);">Blood Diamond</a> – has amassed a fortune. Forbes <a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="https://www.forbes.com/profile/dan-gertler/" style="background-attachment: scroll; background-color: transparent; background-image: none; background-repeat: repeat; background-size: auto; border-bottom: 0.96px solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; text-decoration: none; transition-delay: 0s; transition-duration: 0.15s; transition-timing-function: cubic-bezier(0, 0, 0.58, 1);">values his wealth</a> at $1.22bn.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">A broad, bearded man, Gertler is described as an “<a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="http://www.haaretz.com/diamond-in-the-rough-1.153922" style="background-attachment: scroll; background-color: transparent; background-image: none; background-repeat: repeat; background-size: auto; border-bottom: 0.96px solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; text-decoration: none; transition-delay: 0s; transition-duration: 0.15s; transition-timing-function: cubic-bezier(0, 0, 0.58, 1);">adventurer with a short fuse</a>”. Fiercely private, he is shown at mines in most of the extant public photos, wearing a high-vis vest over a suit and, on his head, a helmet or yarmulke.</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCKa8hYvmFC98huIKBDN0AgJD5EENZ9usOZq8guBuhnAeCNMj3KNtYsLsEYpLyqAmHtxa_y7gIIafGKHLuOrJvL2SDhTQIrTFmJxbU8F7mhw332baPcCAyfpNN48YH9-2wVSebgNV_Ojsv/s1600/getler.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="180" data-original-width="300" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCKa8hYvmFC98huIKBDN0AgJD5EENZ9usOZq8guBuhnAeCNMj3KNtYsLsEYpLyqAmHtxa_y7gIIafGKHLuOrJvL2SDhTQIrTFmJxbU8F7mhw332baPcCAyfpNN48YH9-2wVSebgNV_Ojsv/s400/getler.jpeg" width="400" /></a></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; text-align: start;">Dan Gertler at a copper mine in Katanga province,</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; text-align: start;"> DRC, in 2012. </span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="background-color: white;">Gertler was raised in a secular household but in adulthood has grown increasingly religiously observant. He typically spends his working week in </span><a class="u-underline" data-component="auto-linked-tag" data-link-name="auto-linked-tag" href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/africa" style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; transition: 0.15s ease-out;">Africa</a><span style="background-color: white;">, but flies home for the sabbath in Israel with his family.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">He has brought some development to DRC, building a 1,500-acre kibbutz-style farm to help address chronic food insecurity. And, in a country where sexual violence is systematically used as a weapon of war, the Gertler Family Foundation supports teenagers who become mothers after being raped, one of 50 programmes benefiting “tens of thousands of Congolese every year”, according to his lawyers.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">But the Paradise Papers cast new light on background dealings between Gertler and Glencore that appear to have saved them hundreds of millions of dollars – money lost to DRC and its people.</span></div>
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The Glencore room</span></h2>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The Paradise Papers are an insight into the inner machinations of Appleby, one of the “magic circle” of leading offshore investment firms.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Glencore is one of Appleby’s most important clients. So central, in fact, has the company been that at one time, on the second floor of Appleby’s Bermuda headquarters, was the Glencore room.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Across the hall from the women’s bathroom, it was nondescript and rarely used. Glencore executives never visited. It contained no more than a filing cabinet, computer, telephone, fax machine and chequebook.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">But the room gave Glencore a “robust footprint”, in the words of one Appleby MD, in the zero-tax island of Bermuda: a helpful asset in the event of any taxation investigation.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The files that are likely to have once lived in that room, and the contents of which were known only to a handful of people, are now globally exposed by the Paradise Papers.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; text-align: start;"> What are the Paradise Papers? – video</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The papers reveal some of the complexity of Glencore’s global operations and the breadth of its reach. Glencore is the largest commodity trader in the world and the biggest supplier of zinc and cobalt. The fruits of its products are used every day by millions, including anyone who drives a car or makes a call on a smartphone.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">And Glencore is a company with an extraordinary history, founded in 1974 as Marc Rich and Co.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Rich, a former child refugee who became a naturalised US citizen after fleeing Nazi-occupied Belgium with his family, led his eponymous firm for two decades.</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJAN6ACqD4-6ywBlcsQAlD8FQwVUTDWrffCxaW7VnJv-VraYLhzUr_OQxrUg3m6m2-c3SRXQxUt_W6AfY5F5TuqTing0SIvVTl38JZqA9paKtrEmJtYnz5peQRlqlf4TWzwXoYdkuaoDWW/s1600/marc+rich.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="375" data-original-width="300" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJAN6ACqD4-6ywBlcsQAlD8FQwVUTDWrffCxaW7VnJv-VraYLhzUr_OQxrUg3m6m2-c3SRXQxUt_W6AfY5F5TuqTing0SIvVTl38JZqA9paKtrEmJtYnz5peQRlqlf4TWzwXoYdkuaoDWW/s400/marc+rich.jpeg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; text-align: start;">Marc Rich</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The company forged a reputation for aggressive tactics and willingness to do business where others would not.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Glencore and its forerunner company have been accused of sanctions-busting in Saddam Hussein’s Iraq, apartheid South Africa and Iran.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">In 2004, Glencore was <a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="https://www.cia.gov/library/reports/general-reports-1/iraq_wmd_2004/chap2.html" style="background: transparent; border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; transition: 0.15s ease-out;">cited by the CIA</a> as having paid $3.2m in illegal kickbacks in violation of sanctions to Iraq’s state-run oil monopoly. It has also been accused of <a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2011/sep/07/glencore-fatalities-environmental-fines-record" style="background: transparent; border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; transition: 0.15s ease-out;">catastrophic environmental pollution</a>, poisoning rivers, and <a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="https://www.theguardian.com/business/2012/apr/14/glencore-child-labour-acid-dumping-row" style="background: transparent; border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; transition: 0.15s ease-out;">allowing child labour</a> in its African mines. The company has denied all allegations.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Rich fled the US in 1983, indicted on charges of sanctions-busting, fraud and tax evasion, and accused of arms dealing. After years on the FBI’s 10 most wanted list, he was pardoned by Bill Clinton – to whom his family had been a substantial donor – in the final hours of his presidency.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Bought out of the company in 1994, Rich died in Switzerland in 2013. But the firm, headquartered in <a class="u-underline" data-component="auto-linked-tag" data-link-name="auto-linked-tag" href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/switzerland" style="background: transparent; border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; transition: 0.15s ease-out;">Switzerland</a>, has continued to drive hard for exploration and exploitation rights all over the world, particularly in resource-rich, regulation-poor Africa.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">And for Glencore, when it came to doing business in DRC, one man could open all doors, including the highest in the land.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Joseph Kabila assumed the presidency in 2001, after his father was assassinated by his bodyguard. But the route to the presidential palace was unchanged.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Glencore’s key man in DRC was the president’s friend: Gertler.</span></div>
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Arcane deals</span></h2>
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<span style="font-size: large;">News organisations and anti-corruption NGOs, such as Global Witness, have spent years piecing together arcane deals involving international investors, Gertler and DRC’s leaders. Now the extent of those deals has been laid bare by the Paradise Papers and a settlement in the New York district court.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">In September 2016, a New York hedge fund, Och-Ziff Capital Management, consented to a <a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="https://www.justice.gov/criminal-fraud/file/900261/download" style="background: transparent; border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; transition: 0.15s ease-out;">deferred prosecution agreement</a> with the US Department of Justice, in which Och-Ziff admitted to participating in widespread and systematic bribery of government officials in DRC and other countries, and <a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/och-ziff-capital-management-admits-role-africa-bribery-conspiracies-and-agrees-pay-213" style="background: transparent; border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; transition: 0.15s ease-out;">accepted a $412m penalty</a>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The agreement details bribery by a “DRC Partner”, described as an Israeli businessman, matching a description of Gertler, and widely reported to be him. “DRC Partner” controls a company called Lora Enterprises, the DPA states. Lora Enterprises is ultimately owned by the Gertler Family Trust.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">“DRC Partner” was Och-Ziff’s key access to government figures.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The court agreement states that “DRC Partner”, together with others, paid $100m in bribes over a decade for Och-Ziff to have “special access to and preferential prices for opportunities in” the government-controlled mining sector in the DRC.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">According to the agreement, at times he was paying multimillion-dollar bribes several times a month to “DRC Official 2”, known to be Augustin Katumba Mwanke, the president’s most trusted adviser, and the man with de facto control over mining contract negotiations, known as “<em>dieu le père</em>” (god the father) of DRC.</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhVoYlYAP7TOv_TGpgvnGZ3ScmIwrsEObNCjetirBXeu9QQbGqayFrBz7oCjYPJSYHjjMcFkvA-Hz-hIp5-aQAlk7MPT8nfshTxHIR7VkZrOgyb67Fhy55eI-uv1r4u0l6X29zPMwda6C-E/s1600/katumba.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="257" data-original-width="300" height="342" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhVoYlYAP7TOv_TGpgvnGZ3ScmIwrsEObNCjetirBXeu9QQbGqayFrBz7oCjYPJSYHjjMcFkvA-Hz-hIp5-aQAlk7MPT8nfshTxHIR7VkZrOgyb67Fhy55eI-uv1r4u0l6X29zPMwda6C-E/s400/katumba.jpeg" width="400" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; text-align: start;">A photograph of Augustin Katumba Mwanke at a </span></div>
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<span style="font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; text-align: start;">ceremony after his death in 2012. </span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">It was, according to the DoJ, “<a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/och-ziff-capital-management-admits-role-africa-bribery-conspiracies-and-agrees-pay-213" style="background: transparent; border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; transition: 0.15s ease-out;">bribery in its purest form</a>”.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Gertler was not a party to the DoJ agreement and, according to his lawyers, it “does not constitute evidence of anything against Mr Gertler”.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">“To the extent such agreement is alleged to relate to Mr Gertler, it did so without any participation by him or any opportunity to provide any comment whatsoever … Mr Gertler rejects absolutely any allegations of wrongdoing or criminality by him.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Alongside the Och-Ziff agreement, the Paradise Papers shed new light on a controversial deal to mine copper in the south-east of DRC, through a company called Katanga <a class="u-underline" data-component="auto-linked-tag" data-link-name="auto-linked-tag" href="https://www.theguardian.com/business/mining" style="background: transparent; border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; transition: 0.15s ease-out;">Mining</a>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Several times over the course of 2008 and 2009, Gertler was called in to assist the embattled Katanga, in which he and Glencore held interests, by taking charge of negotiations with DRC, overseen by Katumba.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Over the same period, “DRC Partner” was allegedly paying millions of dollars into the pocket of the same man on behalf of Och-Ziff, the DPA states.</span></div>
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‘My twin brother’</span></h2>
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<span style="font-size: large;">In late 2007, as DRC rebuilt after a decade of war, on offer was a stake in Katanga, a poorly functioning operation but one holding some of the world’s largest copper deposits.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">A bidding war for the company broke out. Gertler already had a stake, but after one bidder’s offer collapsed, Glencore won out, offering a $150m loan – convertible to Katanga shares. Aristotelis Mistakidis, a Glencore co-director, was installed on the Katanga board in February 2008.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">In order to exploit its copper reserves, Katanga needed to renegotiate its joint venture agreement with DRC’s state-run mining company Gécamines, which owned one-quarter of the Katanga project.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Initially, negotiations on the JVA progressed smoothly. But by May, they had stalled, and Katanga was growing increasingly frustrated.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">When Gécamines finally presented its proposal for the JVA, it differed dramatically from Katanga’s position.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">On 23 June, the Katanga board met at lunchtime in the Hilton hotel at Zurich airport, and a decision was taken to break the impasse: call in Gertler. “It was agreed that the Gécamines proposals as they stood were quite unacceptable. [It was] suggested that Dan Gertler, who had a substantial indirect interest in the company, should be given a mandate from the board to negotiate with the DRC authorities,” board notes state.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Gertler had an agreement in 17 days.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Katumba was also the man with ultimate authority over all mining negotiations for Gécamines.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Elisabeth Caesens, an expert in <a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="http://congomines.org/" style="background: transparent; border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; transition: 0.15s ease-out;">Congolese mining deals</a> who reviewed the leaked documents, said: “At the time, any major decision about Gécamines assets would require Katumba’s approval. He had more power over Gécamines than the minister in charge of state-owned companies.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Katumba was key to taking anything from the ground in DRC. He had, the DoJ said, “the ability to take official action and exert official influence over mining matters in the DRC”.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">In a revealing autobiography published posthumously, Katumba described his close relationship with Gertler in effusive terms: “Dan, my friend, my ‘twin brother’ … I am proud to be the brother you never had. Let us be as one, for ever.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">“All I started then, I owed to Dan,” he wrote.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Lawyers for Gertler told the Guardian that Katumba had only become acquainted with him “on a personal basis” after he had retired from the government. Gertler “categorically denies” any allegations of “corrupt relations” with Katumba.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Despite Gertler’s intervention, Katanga’s problems were still not resolved.</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhXvXrcPdv4LWzcW500vTkgP0Oo1LeqTZuuVkVAyieCCHI8PiVVxot1DkRm8JSTeofu_00sWTaKmC-JHwrWIrtQGAP7uNlXKLBBN5y0ZbevZAwRbJuaIBqTrdKAUixg6YDovllibCzvZVe6/s1600/katanga++mining.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="180" data-original-width="300" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhXvXrcPdv4LWzcW500vTkgP0Oo1LeqTZuuVkVAyieCCHI8PiVVxot1DkRm8JSTeofu_00sWTaKmC-JHwrWIrtQGAP7uNlXKLBBN5y0ZbevZAwRbJuaIBqTrdKAUixg6YDovllibCzvZVe6/s400/katanga++mining.jpeg" width="400" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; text-align: start;">An excavator at Katanga.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">In September 2008, the US investment bank <a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="https://www.theguardian.com/business/2013/sep/13/lehman-brothers-collapse-five-years-later-shiver-spine" style="background: transparent; border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; text-decoration-line: none !important; touch-action: manipulation; transition: border-color 0.15s ease-out;">Lehman Brothers collapsed</a> and the global financial crisis paralysed the global economy. Commodity prices plummeted further and shares in Katanga fell to record lows.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Katanga’s longtime boss, Arthur Ditto, left and the Glencore employees Steven Isaacs and Tim Henderson took over as chief executive and chief operating officer respectively.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">By October, the JVA negotiations had stalled again. Gécamines wanted another half a billion dollars. The board of Katanga met again in October 2008.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">“Gécamines … were seeking $585m additional monies … This was a substantial change from the memorandum of understanding that had been agreed and signed … it was agreed that Steven Isaacs, Steven Jones, Telis Mistakidis and Malta Forrest would have a discussion with Dan Gertler,” board notes state.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">With Gertler again called in to negotiate, by December, that problem too had been solved.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The additional signing bonus demanded of Katanga – in the form of a <em>pas de porte</em>price – was reduced in the final agreement by more than 75%, from $585m to $140m – a saving of $445m.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Caesens, who <a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="https://www.cartercenter.org/resources/pdfs/news/peace_publications/democracy/congo-report-carter-center-nov-2017.pdf" style="background: transparent; border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; text-decoration-line: none !important; touch-action: manipulation; transition: border-color 0.15s ease-out;">advises the Carter Center</a>, the nonprofit human rights group founded by the former US president Jimmy Carter, said virtually all joint venture partners accepted to pay $35 a ton of copper Gécamines brought to the joint venture.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">“Using this standard, KCC would have owed Gécamines a $581m signing bonus. Instead, it negotiated a bonus of $140m,” she said.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">In a <a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="https://uploads.guim.co.uk/2017/10/31/Glencore_and_Katanga_statement_to_the_ICIJ,_27.10.17.pdf" style="background: transparent; border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; text-decoration-line: none !important; touch-action: manipulation; transition: border-color 0.15s ease-out;">statement</a>, Glencore said the final price was negotiated over the extent of the mineral reserves to be taken into calculations, and was based on principles agreed before Gertler was mandated to assist the negotiations.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">“During the negotiations, Gécamines put forward various positions regarding the <em>pas de porte</em> it believed was payable … including amounts of $585m and $200m. Katanga successfully maintained its position that the sum it had previously announced was essentially correct … A joint venture agreement was concluded between Katanga and Gécamines which provided for the payment of a <em>pas de porte</em> of $140m,” it said.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; margin-bottom: 1rem; padding: 0px;">
<span style="font-size: large;">Gertler’s lawyers said all negotiations had been carried out “in a bona fide manner on arm’s length basis”. They said there was no basis for the allegation that Katanga received “preferential terms” as a result of his involvement.</span></div>
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<div style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; margin-bottom: 1rem; padding: 0px;">
<span style="font-size: large;">The financial crisis continued to damage Katanga’s prospects. Globally, the <a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="http://www.macrotrends.net/1476/copper-prices-historical-chart-data" style="background: transparent; border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; text-decoration-line: none !important; touch-action: manipulation; transition: border-color 0.15s ease-out;">copper price plummeted</a>, and with it the value of Katanga’s shares to near-worthlessness. By December, Glencore – or another benefactor – needed to inject another $100m into Katanga to keep it running. Still, the agreement with Gécamines had not been finally negotiated.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; margin-bottom: 1rem; padding: 0px;">
<span style="font-size: large;">In January 2009, Glencore upped its earlier loan – now to a combined $265m – convertible to shares. With the new money and moribund share price, Katanga would need to issue 1.4bn new shares to repay the loan, giving Glencore 77% of the company. Some on the Katanga board expressed alarm over a “backdoor takeover” of the company, but Glencore assured the firm it had no such intention.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; margin-bottom: 1rem; padding: 0px;">
<span style="font-size: large;">Glencore’s intervention was opposed by other shareholders – the new capital injection would dilute their holdings to near-worthlessness – but Gertler, alone of other shareholders, was able to maintain his interest by investing $45m in the loan through Lora Enterprises.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; margin-bottom: 1rem; padding: 0px;">
<span style="font-size: large;">However, the Paradise Papers show, the $45m was not Gertler’s capital, but a loan from Glencore, secretly given to Lora Enterprises. The loan, in the form of pledged shares, would have the effect of maintaining Gertler’s interest in Katanga, while other shareholders had their stakes diluted. Gertler alone received a loan.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Gertler and Glencore’s secret deal was <a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="https://www.globalwitness.org/en-gb/archive/glencore-and-gatekeeper/" style="background: transparent; border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); cursor: pointer; text-decoration-line: none !important; touch-action: manipulation; transition: border-color 0.15s ease-out;">first reported in 2014</a> by Global Witness, but for the first time, the Paradise Papers reveal the conditions of the loan in unambiguous detail. Loan documents confirm not only that Gertler was to be given a mandate to handle negotiations with DRC, but Glencore’s largesse was dependent upon the contract being secured quickly. The loan could be immediately called in if he were not successful.</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg39eXUkHaxGG6sj77QXRuGu4NxfirK_mVZPwam54-dsBhxCWB_9tnupaw6Sp-hIayTGKyXQwZb-CfDC6CvfgFYgZs1hbU9JmczqHXbAqc9nZxQfDwVWgtWPI9R0dYa8Y_8-HFH_DYZ59uh/s1600/getler+middle+man.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="180" data-original-width="300" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg39eXUkHaxGG6sj77QXRuGu4NxfirK_mVZPwam54-dsBhxCWB_9tnupaw6Sp-hIayTGKyXQwZb-CfDC6CvfgFYgZs1hbU9JmczqHXbAqc9nZxQfDwVWgtWPI9R0dYa8Y_8-HFH_DYZ59uh/s400/getler+middle+man.jpeg" width="400" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; text-align: start;"> Gertler walks through the Katanga mine complex. </span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">“The facility shall become immediately repayable on demand in the event that the amended KCC joint venture agreement … is not finalised within three months from the date of this term sheet,” the loan agreement states.</span></div>
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<div style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; margin-bottom: 1rem; padding: 0px;">
<span style="font-size: large;">“Glencore shall use its vote at the board of Katanga to have Dan Gertler exclusively mandated to assist Katanga in finalising the terms of the joint venture agreement.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Lawyers for Gertler told the Guardian that neither he nor any company or person related to him received any loan funds directly, and any allegation that the $45m loan was improper “demonstrates misapprehension of international finance transactions”.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">“In the context of an African mining transaction, events of default would ordinarily include events such as the expropriation of a mining licence or breach of an underlying joint venture. The Lora loan agreement reflects appropriate terms negotiated on an arms-length basis,” they said.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">Glencore said the loan to Lora “was made on commercial terms negotiated at arms length”, was filed to relevant registrars, and was fully repaid by Lora in 2010.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">On 12 March 2009, Gertler resumed negotiations with DRC on behalf of Katanga. This time, he had a deal within two weeks.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The board met in late March, to good news.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">“Mr Isaacs [the Katanga chief executive and former managing director of Glencore Finance] updated the board on the JVA negotiations explaining that as a result of Gécamines constantly frustrating progress, he has had to take a different approach. Mr Isaacs had a discussion with Mr Dan Gertler in Kinshasa, as a result of which, revised proposals were made by Katanga which has resulted in the resolution of most issues,” board notes state.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">The final JVA was signed on 25 July 2009. Glencore now controlled Katanga and only Gertler remained as a significant co-owner. All the other shareholders had had their interests diluted.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; margin-bottom: 1rem; padding: 0px;">
<span style="font-size: large;">Legal experts on corruption say Glencore should have known that the risks in using Gertler to negotiate with DRC authorities were unacceptably high.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; margin-bottom: 1rem; padding: 0px;">
<span style="font-size: large;">“Glencore disregarded the many red flags Mr Gertler’s connections … should have raised, and exposed itself to the risk of non-compliance with anti-corruption rules,” Caesens said.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; margin-bottom: 1rem; padding: 0px;">
<span style="font-size: large;">Mark Pieth, a professor of criminal law at Basel University, told the Guardian there were “red flags, which already in 2007 should have made it impossible for any Swiss company to enter into a business relationship with Dan Gertler”.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; margin-bottom: 1rem; padding: 0px;">
<span style="font-size: large;">“The DRC is a high-risk territory in the first place. If you add to that a partner … getting access to state licence, the corruption risk becomes too high. Glencore’s compliance department should have stopped the partnership with Mr Gertler,” he said.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">In a written statement, lawyers for Gertler told the Guardian and media partners that all allegations of improper behaviour were “false and without any basis whatsoever, and Mr Gertler vehemently rejects them absolutely”.</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhPLjmnOU4NvKYbjpI__IbbkPdoHuWgW5j0G7QopHXB_8152Xk5FpujQ-L3SgNEqvsICZpOsuKoFDwDp_wOAbZO6OvLbhiuoxUhpbcB86_eyEx7NKJGXSB6IllXlq940RyQIrpXjH5HqVj0/s1600/Workers+at+Katanga.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="180" data-original-width="300" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhPLjmnOU4NvKYbjpI__IbbkPdoHuWgW5j0G7QopHXB_8152Xk5FpujQ-L3SgNEqvsICZpOsuKoFDwDp_wOAbZO6OvLbhiuoxUhpbcB86_eyEx7NKJGXSB6IllXlq940RyQIrpXjH5HqVj0/s400/Workers+at+Katanga.jpeg" width="400" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; text-align: start;"> Workers at Katanga</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">“Mr Dan Gertler is a respectable businessman who contributes the vast majority of his wealth and time to the needy and to different communities, amounting to huge sums of money. He transacts business fairly and honestly, and strictly according to the law,” the statement said.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">“There is no doubt that Mr Gertler has been a strategic investor in the DRC for many years and is highly familiar with the economic and regulatory systems therein. This fact makes Mr Gertler an important business partner for companies wishing to invest in the DRC, and the relations with him are based on clear and rational business interests. It certainly does not indicate in any way or manner whatsoever that the transactions … are tainted by inappropriate actions.”</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgon-1nqdDRtTB_xGU8QLxz3YCzcRG8oF6XkfbXjQn4vc-jf9Op0DrN3JrtbQdpXGjyYPxPOdPpL753jW7vjUGUa6ybOJdzD2Zye3XvHcvXUwDe-vuM_tt0uonU6AL3f9GxY35COp1nEhbb/s1600/gertler_and_kabila.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="231" data-original-width="370" height="248" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgon-1nqdDRtTB_xGU8QLxz3YCzcRG8oF6XkfbXjQn4vc-jf9Op0DrN3JrtbQdpXGjyYPxPOdPpL753jW7vjUGUa6ybOJdzD2Zye3XvHcvXUwDe-vuM_tt0uonU6AL3f9GxY35COp1nEhbb/s400/gertler_and_kabila.png" width="400" /></a></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; text-align: start;">The growing evidence linking President Joseph Kabila, </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; text-align: start;">his family and close associates to bribery</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; text-align: start;">and corruption.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">In February, Glencore bought Gertler out of their shared assets in DRC for $534m, a move described by analysts as an attempt by the company to dissociate itself from Gertler.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">DRC’s president, Joseph Kabila, did not respond to repeated requests for comment.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span itemprop="author" itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/Person" style="font-weight: 700;"><span itemprop="name">Ben Doherty</span></span><span style="font-weight: 700;"> and Oliver Zihlmann </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-weight: 700;"><span style="font-size: large;">The Guardian</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-weight: 700;"><span style="font-size: large;">Glencore</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-weight: 700;"><span style="font-size: large;">Paradise Papers</span></span></div>
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OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-62349693092852734092017-10-18T06:19:00.001+01:002017-10-18T06:19:55.538+01:00How a Bank Linked to DR Congo’s President, Joseph Kabila, Enabled Hezbollah Financiers to Bust U.S. Sanctions<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; line-height: 18px; white-space: pre-wrap;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://plus.google.com/u/0/+IshiabaKasongack" target="_blank">How a Bank Linked to DR Congo’s President, Joseph Kabila, Enabled Hezbollah Financiers to Bust U.S. Sanctions</a></span></span></h2>
<span style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; line-height: 18px; white-space: pre-wrap;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">18/10/2017</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: start; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">BGFIBank DRC is headed up by the brother of DRC President </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: start; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Joseph Kabila Kabange (pictured). The Sentry originally was</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: start; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"> investigating the bank for separate allegations that the</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: start; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">banking institution had been used to divert public</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: start; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"> funds, including millions in withdrawals by</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: start; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"> Congo’s electoral commission. </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #231f20;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The same banks used by kleptocratic governments to divert state assets
can also be used by terrorist financing networks. This is what has taken place
at one prominent bank in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).
Individuals and entities subject to U.S. sanctions, in connection with
Hezbollah, used the bank to move money through the international banking
system, despite several warnings from bank employees that doing so could
violate U.S. sanctions. This was not just any bank. BGFIBank DRC, the institution
that processed the transactions, is run by President Joseph Kabila’s brother
and has been mentioned in a recent scandal in Congo involving the alleged
diversion of public funds from state-owned mining companies and the national
electoral commission.<span style="color: #111111;"><a href="https://thesentry.org/reports/terrorists-treasury-congo/#_edn1">[i]</a></span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEijtnQUWXgTi_vCjdc9IT-_6Qsoff2s6aHNx_oP9vvYzUqn1HGI0h5WeKHORqOe8WDkDwRPi3oNvrwXw8esLHeAsNGHf5RNm67guIJ9E-5-_CI_ibWtZuBFVwkNqW6Eg2R46Dcrt6gnXHX9/s1600/BGFIBANK.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: black;"><img border="0" data-original-height="660" data-original-width="1170" height="225" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEijtnQUWXgTi_vCjdc9IT-_6Qsoff2s6aHNx_oP9vvYzUqn1HGI0h5WeKHORqOe8WDkDwRPi3oNvrwXw8esLHeAsNGHf5RNm67guIJ9E-5-_CI_ibWtZuBFVwkNqW6Eg2R46Dcrt6gnXHX9/s400/BGFIBANK.jpg" width="400" /></span></a></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: start; widows: 2;"> BGFIBank DRC's headquarter in </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; orphans: 2; text-align: left; widows: 2;">Kinshasa, capital of the </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; orphans: 2; text-align: left; widows: 2;">Democratic Republic of the Congo.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #231f20;">As set out in this report, in 2011
bank employees at BGFIBank DRC raised the alarm with senior officials at the
bank, in writing, about a series of transactions. The concern was that the
transactions involved companies linked to financiers of Hezbollah, a Lebanon-based
terrorist group and political party. The main entities in question were
subsidiaries of Kinshasa-based business conglomerate Congo Futur, a company
under U.S. Department of the Treasury sanctions. Among the recipients of the
warnings was Francis Selemani Mtwale, the bank’s CEO and brother of President
Joseph Kabila.</span><a href="https://thesentry.org/reports/terrorists-treasury-congo/#_edn2"><span style="color: #111111;">[ii]</span></a><span style="color: #231f20;"> But the bank’s relationship with Hezbollah-linked companies
continued. BGFIBank DRC even went so far as to request that certain
transactions be unblocked by the U.S. Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign
Assets Control (OFAC) after other banks refused to process them. And BGFIBank
DRC continued to engage in correspondence with Congo Futur-affiliated company
representatives in 2016. This raises major questions about the bank’s ability
and willingness to fulfill its sanctions and anti-money laundering compliance
obligations.<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjfgSHr-ShwtOSDQ7r-YThAg0eiANtSTUraDL6ttMjU2BCqsLLbKq_KlU3dmimAjvnr3MKgMcgHDB1W7nXQy3osAisnPq9QxEyEDUjDqGpLT6mjMaQd2ylDa5TrXOwglO3gvEWtj53wCUn4/s1600/Cover_TT_layout.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1032" data-original-width="1600" height="257" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjfgSHr-ShwtOSDQ7r-YThAg0eiANtSTUraDL6ttMjU2BCqsLLbKq_KlU3dmimAjvnr3MKgMcgHDB1W7nXQy3osAisnPq9QxEyEDUjDqGpLT6mjMaQd2ylDa5TrXOwglO3gvEWtj53wCUn4/s400/Cover_TT_layout.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
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<span style="color: #231f20; font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"><a href="https://cdn.thesentry.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/TerroristsTreasury_TheSentry_October2017_final.pdf"><span style="color: #111111; font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Download Full Report</span></a><span style="font-size: 18pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #231f20; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">BGFIBank DRC has been reported to
have been used to divert significant public funds in Congo, including millions
of dollars in withdrawals by Congo’s electoral commission, and transfers of $8
million in cash in irregular “tax advances” from Congo’s largest state-owned
mining company, Gécamines.</span><a href="https://thesentry.org/reports/terrorists-treasury-congo/#_edn3" style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: x-large;"><span style="color: #111111;">[iii]</span></a><span style="background-color: white; color: #231f20; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"> Published reports raise serious questions about the bank’s
regulatory and compliance regime.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #231f20;">Inadequate anti-money laundering
compliance and sanctions enforcement standards at banks can empower a wide
range of criminal groups and corrupt actors—and ultimately undermine governance
and contribute to instability in Congo and elsewhere. Members of civil society
have suggested that business interests could be part of the reason Kabila, who
has sparked a violent nationwide political crisis by recently overstaying his
presidential term limits, has maintained an iron grip on the presidency.</span><span style="color: #111111;"><a href="https://thesentry.org/reports/terrorists-treasury-congo/#_edn4">[iv]</a></span><span style="color: #231f20;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: start; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">A new report alleges that several 2011 transactions at the Congo-based </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: start; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">BGFIBank DRC involved companies that had been linked to Kassim </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: start; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Tajideen—a Lebanese-Belgian businessman who was designated</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: start; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"> by the U.S. Department of the Treasury as a Specially </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: start; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Designated Global Terrorist.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #231f20;">In the example profiled in this report,
BGFIBank DRC’s approach to enforcing sanctions has allowed Kassim
Tajideen—described by the U.S. government as “an important financial
contributor” who “has contributed tens of millions of dollars to Hizballah”</span><a href="https://thesentry.org/reports/terrorists-treasury-congo/#_edn5"><span style="color: #111111;">[v]</span></a><span style="color: #231f20;">—and his network to maintain access to the global financial system
despite being placed under U.S. sanctions in 2009 and 2010. The documents
reviewed by The Sentry also show links between Congo Futur and other firms
under Kassim Tajideen’s control. These documents indicate that Congo Futur
subsidiaries used BGFIBank DRC to operate accounts and make wire transfers
after both Congo Futur and Kassim were placed under U.S. sanctions, despite
warnings from bank employees that the bank should not do so. This is despite
repeated public assertions from both Kassim and one of his brothers who is not
under U.S. sanctions, Congo Futur General Manager Ahmed Tajideen, that the
Kinshasa-based conglomerate had no links to any of the Tajideens under U.S.
sanctions.<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #231f20;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Congo Futur has continued to thrive
in Congo despite U.S. sanctions; it even maintains financial ties to the
Congolese government and has received government contracts. These continued
relations raise serious questions about the Congolese government’s reliability
in the fight against global terrorism, transnational crime, and illicit
finance. Congo Futur has risen and remained prominent despite facing sanctions
and the Kabila regime’s decreasing legitimacy. BGFIBank DRC has been used to
facilitate Congo Futur’s access to the U.S. financial system, despite
sanctions.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #231f20;">I.<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><b><span style="color: #231f20;">Targeted Sanctions.</span></b><span style="color: #231f20;"> The United States and European Union should urgently impose and
implement three sets of targeted economic sanctions actions:<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #231f20;">·<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="color: #231f20;">The U.S. government should investigate and act pursuant to Executive
Order 13224, which is the principal authority used for counterterrorism
sanctions, to designate any officials at BGFIBank DRC who the United States
identifies as having knowingly undertaken transactions on behalf of Congo
Futur, as well as to designate any other entities in the Congo Futur network
that the United States identifies as engaged in unlawful activities.<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #231f20;">·<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="color: #231f20;">The U.S. government should investigate and act pursuant to Executive
Order 13671 and the European Union should investigate and act pursuant to
Regulation (EC) No. 1183 of July 18, 2005 and Regulation (EU) 2016/2230 (2),
which are the principal U.S. and EU authorities used for sanctions related to
the Democratic Republic of Congo, to designate the networks of senior members
of the regime, including financial advisors, Kabila family members, and their
companies that the United States and the European Union identify as having
engaged in unlawful activities.<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #231f20;">·<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="color: #231f20;">The U.S. government should sanction those responsible for “acts of
significant corruption” in connection with the transactions described in this
report, pursuant to the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act
(Public Law 114-328).</span><a href="https://thesentry.org/reports/terrorists-treasury-congo/#_edn6"><span style="color: #111111;">[vi]</span></a><span style="color: #231f20;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #231f20;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The impact of these sanctions actions would be the same: to freeze the
assets of any designated individuals and entities and block them from the
financial system.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #231f20;">II.<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><b><span style="color: #231f20;">Criminal Investigations.</span></b><span style="color: #231f20;"> The U.S.
Department of Justice should expand its investigation into the Tajideen network
to evaluate the potential criminal liability of BGFIBank DRC leadership for
knowingly doing business with Hezbollah financiers pursuant to the U.S. Patriot
Act and the U.S. International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA).
Specialized human rights and transnational crimes units in the United States
and Europe should investigate whether entities within their jurisdiction have
ties to the Tajideen network, with a view toward any financial facilitation of
terrorist activities or human rights violations, including the potential
facilitation of crimes occurring in Congo.<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #231f20;">III.<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><b><span style="color: #231f20;">Anti-Money Laundering/Counter-Threat Finance
Actions</span></b><span style="color: #231f20;">. The U.S. Treasury Department’s Financial Crimes Enforcement Network
(FinCEN) and financial intelligence units (FIUs) in Europe should immediately
investigate the transactions described in this report and, if warranted, issue
advisories to banks and other financial institutions. FinCEN should issue an investigative
request, pursuant to its authority under Section 314(a) of the Patriot Act, to
request that banks search for records related to the individuals and companies
involved. If FinCEN identifies specific patterns of money laundering or threat
finance, the advisories should state the risk that banks conducting business
with BGFIBank DRC may incur by processing transactions on behalf of
Hezbollah-linked entities. If warranted, FinCEN should also warn of the broader
risks evident in the Congolese banking system, specifically the money
laundering and threat finance risks related to the corruption of the Kabila
regime and business network. This critical step would lead banks to conduct
greater vigilance and reporting and could lead to further FIU actions.<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #231f20;">IV.<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><b><span style="color: #231f20;">Bank Due Diligence/De-Risking.</span></b><span style="color: #231f20;"> Global banks
with commercial relationships in Congo should immediately undertake enhanced
due diligence on those relationships with banks in Congo, including provision
of correspondent banking, trade finance, and other services, while at the same
time being cognizant of and avoiding over-compliance and de-risking.<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #231f20;">V.<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><b><span style="color: #231f20;">Public Corporate Registry</span></b><span style="color: #231f20;">. The Congolese
government, led by the Ministry of the National Economy and the Ministry of
Foreign Commerce, should create a searchable online public registry of all
corporate entities formed in the country to improve corporate transparency,
public oversight, and accountability.<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<o:p><span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">By <b>The Sentry </b></span></o:p></div>
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<o:p><span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b> War Crimes Shouldn't Pay</b></span></span></o:p></div>
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<o:p style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b>Resources:</b></span></o:p></div>
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<div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin: 0cm 0cm 11.25pt;">
<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_edn1"></a><a href="https://thesentry.org/reports/terrorists-treasury-congo/#_ednref"><span style="color: #111111;">[i]</span></a><span style="color: #231f20;"> Xavier Counasse and Colette
Braeckman, “Corruption au Congo: les preuves qui accablent le régime Kabila,” <em style="box-sizing: inherit;">Le
Soir</em>, October 29, 2016, available at <a href="http://plus.lesoir.be/66290/article/2016-10-29/corruption-au-congo-les-preuves-qui-accablent-le-regime-kabila" style="box-sizing: inherit; transition: color 0.2s, background-color 0.2s, opacity 0.2s, border-color 0.2s;"><span style="color: #111111;">http://plus.lesoir.be/66290/article/2016-10-29/corruption-au-congo-les-preuves-qui-accablent-le-regime-kabila</span></a>;
Jeffrey Gettleman, “As President Joseph Kabila Digs In, Tensions Rise in
Congo,” <em style="box-sizing: inherit;">The
New York Times</em>, December 27, 2016, available at <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/17/world/africa/congo-joseph-kabila-corruption.html" style="box-sizing: inherit; transition: color 0.2s, background-color 0.2s, opacity 0.2s, border-color 0.2s;"><span style="color: #111111;">https://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/17/world/africa/congo-joseph-kabila-corruption.html</span></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; box-sizing: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; margin: 0cm 0cm 11.25pt; orphans: 2; widows: 2; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_edn2" style="box-sizing: inherit; transition: color 0.2s, background-color 0.2s, opacity 0.2s, border-color 0.2s;"></a><a href="https://thesentry.org/reports/terrorists-treasury-congo/#_ednref"><span style="color: #111111;">[ii]</span></a><span style="color: #231f20;"> According to the Congo Research Group
and the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting, “Selemani became an adopted son
after his father, one of Laurent-Désiré’s rebel comrades, was killed.” Congo
Research Group and Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting, “All the President’s
Wealth: The Kabila Family Business,” p. 7 (July 2017), available at <a href="https://allthewealth.congoresearchgroup.org/dist/assets/all-the-presidents-wealth-ENG.pdf" style="box-sizing: inherit; transition: color 0.2s, background-color 0.2s, opacity 0.2s, border-color 0.2s;"><span style="color: #111111;">https://allthewealth.congoresearchgroup.org/dist/assets/all-the-presidents-wealth-ENG.pdf</span></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; box-sizing: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; margin: 0cm 0cm 11.25pt; orphans: 2; widows: 2; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_edn3" style="box-sizing: inherit; transition: color 0.2s, background-color 0.2s, opacity 0.2s, border-color 0.2s;"></a><a href="https://thesentry.org/reports/terrorists-treasury-congo/#_ednref"><span style="color: #111111;">[iii]</span></a><span style="color: #231f20;"> Documents obtained and reviewed by
the Sentry; Counasse and Braeckman, “Corruption au Congo”; Aaron Ross,
“Belgium, Congo activists urge probe into Congo corruption claims,” Reuters,
October 31, 2016, available at <a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/us-congo-corruption/belgium-congo-activists-urge-probe-into-congo-corruption-claims-idUSKBN12V1ZW" style="box-sizing: inherit; transition: color 0.2s, background-color 0.2s, opacity 0.2s, border-color 0.2s;"><span style="color: #111111;">http://www.reuters.com/article/us-congo-corruption/belgium-congo-activists-urge-probe-into-congo-corruption-claims-idUSKBN12V1ZW</span></a>;
and Gettleman, “As President Joseph Kabila Digs In.”<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; box-sizing: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; margin: 0cm 0cm 11.25pt; orphans: 2; widows: 2; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_edn4" style="box-sizing: inherit; transition: color 0.2s, background-color 0.2s, opacity 0.2s, border-color 0.2s;"></a><a href="https://thesentry.org/reports/terrorists-treasury-congo/#_ednref"><span style="color: #111111;">[iv]</span></a><span style="color: #231f20;"> Michael Kavanagh, Thomas Wilson, and
Franz Wild, “With His Family’s Fortune at Stake, President Kabila Digs In,”
Bloomberg, December 15, 2016, <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/features/2016-12-15/with-his-family-fortune-at-stake-congo-president-kabila-digs-in" style="box-sizing: inherit; transition: color 0.2s, background-color 0.2s, opacity 0.2s, border-color 0.2s;"><span style="color: #111111;">https://www.bloomberg.com/news/features/2016-12-15/with-his-family-fortune-at-stake-congo-president-kabila-digs-in</span></a>;
Kimiko de Freytas-Tamura, “When Will Kabila Go? Congolese Leader Long Overstays
His Welcome,” <em style="box-sizing: inherit;">The New York Times</em>, July 23, 2017, available
at <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/07/23/world/africa/congo-joseph-kabila-elections.html?mcubz=1" style="box-sizing: inherit; transition: color 0.2s, background-color 0.2s, opacity 0.2s, border-color 0.2s;"><span style="color: #111111;">https://www.nytimes.com/2017/07/23/world/africa/congo-joseph-kabila-elections.html?mcubz=1</span></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; box-sizing: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; margin: 0cm 0cm 11.25pt; orphans: 2; widows: 2; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_edn5" style="box-sizing: inherit; transition: color 0.2s, background-color 0.2s, opacity 0.2s, border-color 0.2s;"></a><a href="https://thesentry.org/reports/terrorists-treasury-congo/#_ednref"><span style="color: #111111;">[v]</span></a><span style="color: #231f20;"> U.S. Treasury Department, “Treasury
Targets Hizballah Network in Africa,” Press release, May 27, 2009, available at <a href="https://www.treasury.gov/press-center/press-releases/Pages/tg149.aspx" style="box-sizing: inherit; transition: color 0.2s, background-color 0.2s, opacity 0.2s, border-color 0.2s;"><span style="color: #111111;">https://www.treasury.gov/press-center/press-releases/Pages/tg149.aspx</span></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; box-sizing: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; margin: 0cm 0cm 11.25pt; orphans: 2; widows: 2; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_edn6" style="box-sizing: inherit; transition: color 0.2s, background-color 0.2s, opacity 0.2s, border-color 0.2s;"></a><a href="https://thesentry.org/reports/terrorists-treasury-congo/#_ednref"><span style="color: #111111;">[vi]</span></a><span style="color: #231f20;"> S.284 – Global Magnitsky Human Rights
Accountability Act 114th Congress (2015-2016), available <a href="https://www.congress.gov/bill/114th-congress/senate-bill/284/text" style="box-sizing: inherit; transition: color 0.2s, background-color 0.2s, opacity 0.2s, border-color 0.2s;"><span style="color: #111111;">https://www.congress.gov/bill/114th-congress/senate-bill/284/text</span></a>;
Letter from 23 organizations dedicated to the promotion of universal human
rights and the fight against corruption to U.S. Secretary of State Rex
Tillerson and U.S. Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, September 12, 2017,
available at <a href="https://enoughproject.org/blog/ngos-call-sec-tillerson-sec-mnuchin-robust-implementation-magnitsky-act" style="box-sizing: inherit; transition: color 0.2s, background-color 0.2s, opacity 0.2s, border-color 0.2s;"><span style="color: #111111;">https://enoughproject.org/blog/ngos-call-sec-tillerson-sec-mnuchin-robust-implementation-magnitsky-act</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-6856192584245670282017-10-16T07:49:00.000+01:002017-10-16T07:58:27.221+01:00VW fails to secure long-term cobalt supply for electric vehicles<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://plus.google.com/u/0/+IshiabaKasongack" target="_blank">VW fails to secure long-term cobalt supply for electric vehicles</a></span></span></h2>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">16/10/2017</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Producers shun carmaker’s tender for five years’ worth of the battery raw material</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhKmc9X61HkjfWUdW5S5361ilPIb3ikzFiPXuM-p45VNknTUQhG3yBYE1B2c9xu0nuUQRGFjCnYml_ZMcIMw7fGjEmEGOc4H1ohKBnaYBAbtq8P1CqsGiywGs_am2Kf_S8tL2UBsZAHJTrk/s1600/344fc2c6-b1a8-11e7-aa26-bb002965bce8.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="900" data-original-width="1600" height="225" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhKmc9X61HkjfWUdW5S5361ilPIb3ikzFiPXuM-p45VNknTUQhG3yBYE1B2c9xu0nuUQRGFjCnYml_ZMcIMw7fGjEmEGOc4H1ohKBnaYBAbtq8P1CqsGiywGs_am2Kf_S8tL2UBsZAHJTrk/s400/344fc2c6-b1a8-11e7-aa26-bb002965bce8.jpg" width="400" /></a></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: start; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">An employee working on an e-Golf at VW's factory in </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: start; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Dresden, Germany</span></span></div>
<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /> An attempt by one of the world’s biggest carmakers to secure long-term supplies of cobalt for its push into electric vehicles has been shunned by leading producers of the metal.</span></span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Volkswagen issued a tender last month seeking a minimum of five years of supply at a fixed price, according to people familiar with the process, but struggled to find any takers. </span></span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">The carmaker put off miners by suggesting a price that was well below current market prices, which have jumped by more than 80 per cent this year, the people said.
“They’re being arrogant because they’re automotive and they’re used to doing it,” one trader said.</span></span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">“They completely misjudged the contents of the tender. There’s no point negotiating — it’s not even a discussion point.” </span></span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">The pushback is a sign of the difficulties carmakers face securing long-term supplies of battery raw materials as they gear up to produce electric vehicles for the mass market.</span></span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span>
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">“Volkswagen is looking for long-term strategic solutions for important e-mobility raw materials in order to ensure capacity and price stability,” a spokesman for the company said, declining to comment on ongoing sourcing processes. </span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span><span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="orphans: 2; widows: 2;">Electric vehicle batteries require much larger quantities of raw materials than those found in smartphones and iPads. That is challenging small markets for lithium and cobalt, which have seen dramatic price rises.</span></span></span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="background-color: white; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">More than 60 per cent of cobalt is mined in the Democratic Republic of Congo, which has raised fears among automakers over security of supply. The DRC’s president Joseph Kabila has not set a date for elections, after he failed to step down before a deadline last December.</span></span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Cobalt production in the DRC is dominated by a handful of producers including Glencore and China Molybdenum. Outside the large companies, cobalt is mined by hand before it is collected and sent to China. Last year Amnesty International said that process often involved child labour. </span></span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">“A secure and sustainable supply of raw materials for the Li-ion [lithium ion] battery will be the key factor to become e-mobility market leader,” VW said in the tender, a copy of which was seen by the Financial Times.</span></span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">The original deadline for the tender was the end of September, which was then extended until this month.</span></span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Tesla Motors and BMW is also said to be looking for supplies of cobalt, according to people in the market, though no formal tenders have been issued. </span></span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">VW Group, whose 12 brands include Porsche, Audi, Skoda and Bentley, has pledged to spend €70bn to electrify 300 models by 2030. It aims to be the biggest producer of electric vehicles by 2025. </span></span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">While it did not give a specific amount of cobalt required, based on the tender it would need 80,000 to 130,000 tonnes of cobalt, one trader said. </span><span style="font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">The current market is just over 100,000 tonnes a year.</span></span></span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="background-color: white; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><em style="font-variant-ligatures: normal;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">With assistance from Patrick McGee in Frankfurt</span></em></span><br />
<span style="font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><em style="font-variant-ligatures: normal;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #33302e; font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b>Financial Times</b></span></span></em></span></div>
OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-7110943611355780142017-10-13T16:29:00.000+01:002017-10-13T16:29:04.033+01:00How Ballots Are Being Used to Delay the Congolese Election<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<h2 style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;">
<b><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; padding: 0cm;"><a href="https://plus.google.com/u/0/+IshiabaKasongack" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;"><span style="font-size: x-large;">How Ballots Are Being Used to Delay the Congolese Election</span></span></a></span></b></h2>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background-color: white; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; margin: 30px auto 25px; orphans: 2; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2; width: 606.359px;">
<span style="border-image-outset: initial; border-image-repeat: initial; border-image-slice: initial; border-image-source: initial; border-image-width: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 32.8px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">13/10/2017</span></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiz9iKOFfd0AktD0VyxxRnrsILvDtJcn83iTKruudlq0Ywsk46vj5BRxP9H-dApQiVZ83TMLs6NYpVo8_n1A57QuLSCeT0HdEjYRbnLaDc_sdeGXi4JgBBChBGTppO6DRkaFz4wPmk8XPCQ/s1600/Congo-election-opposition-protests-fraudulent-ballots-Kinshasa-112811-by-Jerome-Delay-AP.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" data-original-height="221" data-original-width="368" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiz9iKOFfd0AktD0VyxxRnrsILvDtJcn83iTKruudlq0Ywsk46vj5BRxP9H-dApQiVZ83TMLs6NYpVo8_n1A57QuLSCeT0HdEjYRbnLaDc_sdeGXi4JgBBChBGTppO6DRkaFz4wPmk8XPCQ/s400/Congo-election-opposition-protests-fraudulent-ballots-Kinshasa-112811-by-Jerome-Delay-AP.jpg" width="400" /></span></a></div>
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<span style="background-color: #fffde5; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Congo opposition supporters protest what appear to be </span></span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<span style="background-color: #fffde5; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">fraudulent ballots – badly printed photocopies of </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #fffde5; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; widows: 2;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">election ballots found in Kinshasa.</span></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background-color: white; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; margin: 30px auto 25px; orphans: 2; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2; width: 606.359px;">
<span style="border-image-outset: initial; border-image-repeat: initial; border-image-slice: initial; border-image-source: initial; border-image-width: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 32.8px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;">Election ballots in the Democratic Republic of the Congo can look
more like the weekend edition of a newspaper than the single folded sheet of
paper common the United States.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;">Congolese electoral laws allow
a nearly unlimited number of candidates to run for parliament. In the coming
election, now pushed to 2019, there may be as many as 28,000 candidates, each
one with their name and photo printed in a ballot.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;">The expense and logistical
difficulties of printing and distributing 45 million of these massive ballots
are nearly insurmountable. After they’re printed, ballots must be trucked or
flown to 126,000 polling stations around the country. The electoral commission
has yet to acquire the necessary funds, and the voter registry isn’t complete.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;">Or at least, these are some of
the official reasons given for why Congo will not be holding elections for
another year and a half, according to a source familiar with the election
process who requested not to be named.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;">“In 2006, we got huge support
from the [United Nations]. We used 108 aircraft supported by the U.N. But today
there is none,” the source told </span><span class="fp-red"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #eb1414; padding: 0cm;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit;">Foreign Policy</span></span></span><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;"> in
an interview in Washington, D.C. “The budget is around $600 million. Who is
going to fund [this]?”</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;">Presidential and parliamentary
elections were scheduled for December 2016, but those were delayed, with
President Joseph Kabila and the opposition coming to an agreement that
elections would be held in 2017. Even with the agreement, the election delay
has threatened a political crisis in the young Central African republic.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;">Kabila, who assumed office
after his father, President Laurent Kabila, was assassinated in 2001, has
already completed two six-year terms — the maximum allowed under the
constitution.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;">Opposition members claim that
the younger Kabila is trying to hold on to office until he can find a way to
change the constitution to allow him to stay in power longer, or even
indefinitely, as has happened in Rwanda, Burundi, and elsewhere.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;">Dozens died when rowdy protests
and subsequent crackdowns broke out after Kabila refused to hold elections last
December.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;"></span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;">But
on Tuesday, Congo’s Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-congo-election/no-congo-election-until-mid-2019-vote-commission-says-angering-opposition-idUSKBN1CG1KW" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit;" target="_blank"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; color: #eb1414; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">announced</span></a><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; padding: 0cm;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"> that elections would
be pushed back 504 additional days, to mid-2019. That could be a disaster for
the unstable, corruption-riddled government, opposition leaders and analysts
say.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; padding: 0cm;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span class="pull-quote"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;"><span data-pullquote="“What the CENI has announced is not an electoral calendar but an election-killing agenda,” <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-congo-election/no-congo-election-until-mid-2019-vote-commission-says-angering-opposition-idUSKBN1CG1KW">said</a> Claudel Lubaya, a member of the opposition" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit;">What the CENI
has announced is not an electoral calendar but an election-killing agenda,” <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-congo-election/no-congo-election-until-mid-2019-vote-commission-says-angering-opposition-idUSKBN1CG1KW" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit;" target="_blank"><span style="color: #eb1414; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">said</span></a> Claudel
Lubaya, a member of the opposition</span></span></span>, in an interview with
Reuters.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;">“If elections are not held this
year, it will embolden the opposition” and support their allegations that
Kabila is carrying out a power grab, John Mukum Mbaku, a nonresident senior
fellow with the Africa Growth Initiative at Brookings, told </span><span class="fp-red"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #eb1414; padding: 0cm;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit;">FP</span></span></span><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;">.
“It will create the kind of frustration among members of the opposition that
could launch the country into more sectarian violence.”</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;">Since December, the country has
faced pushback from the international community. The United States, Britain,
Belgium, France, the United Nations, and human rights groups have </span></span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/dec/21/congo-leaders-growing-pressure-death-toll-mounts-president-kabila" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit;" target="_blank"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; color: #eb1414; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">called</span></a><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; padding: 0cm;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"> on the government to
respect the rights of its citizens to peacefully assemble and to hold elections
in a timely manner.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; padding: 0cm;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;">In the run-up to Tuesday’s
announcement, the Congolese government has </span></span><a href="https://www.buzzfeed.com/johnhudson/former-trump-adviser-woolsey-denies-lobbying-for-congolese?utm_term=.tyObGoJpv#.cpbWpgydR" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit;" target="_blank"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; color: #eb1414; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">hired</span></a><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; padding: 0cm;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"> prominent lobbyists in
Washington, D.C., including Nancye Woolsey (the wife of former CIA director
James Woolsey), former U.S. Senator Bob Dole, and Donald Trump campaigner Adnan
Jalil. In an unusual arrangement, Congo has also </span></span><a href="https://www.publicintegrity.org/2017/05/11/20860/bob-dole-trump-campaign-aide-lobby-congolese-government" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit;" target="_blank"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; color: #eb1414; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">agreed</span></a><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; padding: 0cm;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"> to pay the Israeli
firm Mer Security and Communications $5.6 million this year to help coordinate
lobbying the Trump administration and Republican leadership.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; padding: 0cm;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;">The agreement between Kabila
and the opposition was a “lie” to the Congolese people, said the source
familiar with the electoral process, because it was logistically impossible to
hold a fair election in 2017.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;">The source denied that Kabila
was behind the delay but admitted that “maybe President Kabila is profiting
from this.”</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;">The DRC embassy in Washington
did not answer multiple calls and an email on Thursday.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;">But the argument that elections
are logistically challenging and expensive is the same argument given almost a
year ago when the vote was delayed the first time.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div class="last" style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;"></span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;">There’s a real possibility, Mbaku
said, that in 2019, the president “and the electoral commission would find some
other thing to complain about and postpone the election again.”</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="last" style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="last" style="-webkit-margin-after: 1em; -webkit-margin-before: 1em; background: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 2.05rem; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; vertical-align: baseline; widows: 2;">
<span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;">By</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><b> </b></span><b style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: x-large; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;">Bethany Allen
Ebrahimian</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit;"><b><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm;">Foreign
Policy</span></b></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-81377281253191370872017-09-26T07:36:00.001+01:002017-09-26T07:36:37.349+01:00Strategic Pressure: A Blueprint for Addressing New Threats and Supporting Democratic Change in the DRC<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<h2 style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: x-large;">Reports.</span></h2>
<h2 style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://plus.google.com/u/0/+IshiabaKasongack" target="_blank">Strategic Pressure: A Blueprint for Addressing New Threats and Supporting Democratic Change in the DRC</a></span></h2>
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">26/07/2017</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjhZEqop7CwkTcHm0A3Hd5FZZg1tUTHjN8zCPqP3ddHzP-leMwzyIvCpNR6N5XToVriy3ZAHw76zdt1e3RuhG6VO1H_41lJEs9Vu61Fz7eZnLBc4_jQGChmvTSacf8wXeeU7Dwd62LWK-M4/s1600/enough.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="232" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjhZEqop7CwkTcHm0A3Hd5FZZg1tUTHjN8zCPqP3ddHzP-leMwzyIvCpNR6N5XToVriy3ZAHw76zdt1e3RuhG6VO1H_41lJEs9Vu61Fz7eZnLBc4_jQGChmvTSacf8wXeeU7Dwd62LWK-M4/s400/enough.jpg" width="309" /></span></a></div>
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<span style="color: #555555;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="https://enoughproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/09/StrategicPressure_Enough_Sept2017_web.pdf"><b><span style="color: #f47b20; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">Download the
full report here.</span></b></a><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="color: #555555;"><a href="https://enoughproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/09/R%C3%A9sum%C3%A9_PressionStrat%C3%A9gique_RDC_092017.pdf" target="_blank"><span style="color: #f47b20; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">Résumé en français</span></a>.</span></b><span style="color: #555555;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Nearly nine months
after signing a political deal aimed at ushering in a landmark democratic transition
in the Democratic Republic of Congo, President Joseph Kabila’s subversion of
the accord places Congo at risk of much greater violence. It is also now
creating the potential for regional instability and the possible disruption in
the supply of minerals strategically important to U.S. national security and to
U.S. and other global manufacturers.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Kabila’s attempt to
stay in power at all costs is moving Congo from a fragile democracy to a
dictatorship. It has already sparked significant repression, caused armed
conflict in the Kasai region where 1.4 million people have been displaced, and
all major U.S. companies with direct investments have fled Congo. Unrest that
is rising in several areas of the country could also spread to mineral-rich
Katanga, where 50 to 60 percent of the world’s cobalt reserves lie, creating a
threat to U.S. defense, auto, and electronics industries.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">A much more robust
strategy is needed to prevent a far costlier disaster with U.S. national
security and regional instability implications, and to help Congo move toward a
democratic transition. Over the past year, the international community as well
as Congo’s opposition and civil society have deployed some elements of a
necessary strategy of pressure and negotiation to support a transition.
However, those measures have not nearly been applied at the level needed to
change the calculations of Kabila and his inner circle sufficiently to motivate
them to move forward with credible elections. There is international pressure,
but it is too individualized, ad hoc, and not focused enough on squeezing the
regime at its most vulnerable point: the global financial system that Kabila
and his associates heavily rely on to move money.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">A mediation effort
led by Congo’s Catholic bishops succeeded in getting the Dec. 31, 2016, accord
signed, but it failed afterward because of a lack of subsequent pressure on the
Kabila regime for implementation, and because the process did not include civil
society. A new, inclusive, African-led mediation initiative is needed once more
pressure has been applied.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">This power grab by
President Kabila and his Congolese and international collaborators is driven by
their desire to not cede the immunity and control over the estimated $24
trillion in natural resource wealth that state authority gives them. They want
to continue profiting from the violent kleptocracy they inherited and have
refined over the past 16 years, through a system in which the ruling networks
and their commercial partners hijack the state for their own benefit and use
violence to profit and maintain power. The situation has become increasingly
dangerous, as Kabila has attempted to repress and divide the opposition and
civil society, and the government and opposition are no longer in dialogue.
Neighboring Angola and Uganda are very concerned about Kabila’s lack of control
of the situation, and the son-in-law of Angolan president José Eduardo dos
Santos, Sindika Dokolo, has launched a campaign for Congolese people to stand
up for democracy, supporting a Congolese civil society-opposition manifesto
published in August calling for a “return of constitutional order.” In a
country awash in arms, escalating local conflicts, angry politicians, youth,
and with neighboring countries growing increasingly concerned, the risks of
wider violence are high unless an inclusive transition occurs.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">An effective
strategy to bring Congo back from the brink should focus on achieving a
democratic transition to begin to break the cycle of the corrupt, violent state
while also pushing for key structural reforms and immediate conflict mitigation
steps in the Kasai region and the east. It is not yet in the regime’s interest
to pursue a transition given the immense profits reaped by the Kabila family
and their commercial partners despite the economic crisis, Kabila’s control
over the security services, and the opposition’s current weakness.
Significantly increased financial and diplomatic pressures on the regime and
its partners are needed first, or else talks will be fruitless. The international
community, regional states, and the private sector should work on four tracks
to support Congolese efforts:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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</div>
<ol style="text-align: left;">
<li><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 15.75pt; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><b style="line-height: 15.75pt; text-indent: -18pt;">Use financial
pressure to change the Kabila regime’s cost-benefit calculations to hold a
democratic transition.</b><span style="line-height: 15.75pt; text-indent: -18pt;"> The United States and European states should
enact a series of escalated anti-money laundering measures and targeted
sanctions against networks of senior members of the regime and companies they
control. U.S. and E.U. sanctions helped lead to the signing of the Dec. 31
deal, but the pressure needs to shift to more senior targets that would affect
Kabila’s thinking: financial advisors, Kabila family members, their companies,
and key banking transactions. Their reliance on the U.S. dollar, euro, and international
banks creates major leverage for the United States and Europe. The aim of the
pressure should be to lead to a breakthrough on the transition.</span></span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 15.75pt; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><b style="line-height: 15.75pt; text-indent: -18pt;">As more pressure is
applied, support negotiations to create a path to credible, timely elections
and Kabila’s exit from the Presidency.</b><span style="line-height: 15.75pt; text-indent: -18pt;">Negotiations will eventually be
necessary to prevent wider violence and for the government, opposition, and
civil society to work out a plan for elections and a political transition in
line with the Dec. 31 accord and/or the civil society manifesto, and to ensure
that Kabila leaves office before elections. An independent African mediator
trusted by all sides should be appointed to help broker a time-bound transition
plan that is supported by Angola and neighboring states. Civil society groups
must be included in talks, and the United States and United Nations should
increase legal services and physical protection for civil society. Credible
elections should occur as soon as possible.</span></span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b style="line-height: 15.75pt; text-indent: -18pt;">Enact targeted
measures to help resolve conflict in Kasai and eastern Congo.</b><span style="line-height: 15.75pt; text-indent: -18pt;"> This should
include work to cut off the conflict gold trade through targeted sanctions on
conflict gold smuggling networks in Congo and neighboring countries as well as
support for accountability measures and investigations in Kasai.</span></span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b style="line-height: 15.75pt; text-indent: -18pt;">Combat corruption
by pushing for transparency reforms of state-owned mining companies.</b><span style="line-height: 15.75pt; text-indent: -18pt;"> The United
States and European Union should use financial pressure until independent
audits of the state-owned mining company Gécamines are conducted and those
audits are published. Technology and mining firms should also press the regime
because they indirectly work with Gécamines. This is directly tied to the
electoral quagmire, as these companies are at the heart of how Kabila’s inner
circle generates illicit wealth and why it wants to stay in power.</span></span></li>
</ol>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">This strategy would
strongly support Congolese civil society’s courageous advocacy for a democratic
transition: e.g., 195 Congolese human rights and other civil society groups
recently called for increased sanctions on the regime. As a leading Congolese
female civil society activist told Enough, “With all the evidence in [recent
reports and news articles] that we learn about, why aren’t the E.U. and the
U.S. targeting Zoe Kabila or Jaynet Kabila to send a strong signal to Joseph
Kabila that he must get his act together and abide for once in his tenure to an
agreement like the December 2016 one?”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The private sector
also has a major role to play. This includes U.S. and other global electronics,
jewelry, and automotive companies that use Congo’s minerals, as well as
multinational banks that provide financing for projects in Congo or act as
correspondent banks for U.S. dollar transactions related to Congo. It is in the
interest of these corporations to avoid potential money laundering and sourcing
of conflict minerals and to help prevent a violent crisis that would make doing
business in Congo much more difficult. The private sector can and should cut
off corrupt correspondent bank accounts, create demand for Congo’s conflict-free
gold, and press the Congolese government to make state-owned mining companies
more transparent. The U.S. government and European Union should engage
companies on these issues.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; margin-bottom: 15.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 15.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Four key developments in Congo
make the deployment of this strategy timely: 1) The Dec. 31 deal signed by the
government and opposition offers a clear roadmap and benchmarks for a
democratic transition; 2) There is now a near consensus in the international
community and Congolese civil society that the Kabila regime is thwarting
democracy and stability, and Angola plus several African former heads of
state have joined that consensus; 3) Significant further financial leverage is
available to influence the process which has not yet been utilized, and the
regime’s leaders and business partners could lose access to the global banking
system if that financial pressure is applied by governments and banks; 4) The
powerful Catholic Church in Congo, which helped negotiate the Dec. 31 accord,
is now telling the population to stand up to the regime, combined with
increasing activism by Congolese pro-democracy civil society. This means that
there is new space for democratic resistance to the regime, as many Congolese
were previously waiting while the bishops negotiated, providing further
internal pressure on the government.<span style="color: #555555;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #555555;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="https://enoughproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/09/StrategicPressure_Enough_Sept2017_web.pdf"><b><span style="color: #f47b20; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">Download the
full report here.</span></b></a><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="color: #555555;"><a href="https://enoughproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/09/R%C3%A9sum%C3%A9_PressionStrat%C3%A9gique_RDC_092017.pdf" target="_blank"><span style="color: #f47b20; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">Résumé en français</span></a>.</span></b><span style="color: #555555;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEicHPODMY0vHyzXoLLFRFaIzJvdpz37YjZqmGHFv2JkFk8SoCN4pKXLV_FvbrRAV6frBnZzwv-hdTTNmKpdHgAZ_TqLJTGONUApdS24r-hHDJNHy96BMnIc9IXAF1hO5syQsg6qKJdeHR5e/s1600/twitter-company-statistics.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" data-original-height="352" data-original-width="1075" height="65" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEicHPODMY0vHyzXoLLFRFaIzJvdpz37YjZqmGHFv2JkFk8SoCN4pKXLV_FvbrRAV6frBnZzwv-hdTTNmKpdHgAZ_TqLJTGONUApdS24r-hHDJNHy96BMnIc9IXAF1hO5syQsg6qKJdeHR5e/s200/twitter-company-statistics.jpg" width="200" /></span></a><b><span style="color: #555555;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></b></div>
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<b><span style="color: #555555;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="https://twitter.com/intent/tweet?original_referer=https%3A%2F%2Fpublish.twitter.com%2F&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw&text=.%40nikkihaley%3A%20Increase%20sanctions%20%2B%20anti-money%20laundering%20steps%20on%20%23DRC%20leaders%20until%20democratic%20elections%20occur%20%23RDC&tw_p=tweetbutton&url=http%3A%2F%2Feno.ug%2F2ffaGsw" style="background-color: transparent;"><strong style="box-sizing: inherit;"><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #f47b20; line-height: 115%; text-decoration: none;">Take Action Now:</span></strong></a><span class="apple-converted-space" style="background-color: transparent;"><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: #555555; line-height: 115%;"> </span><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; line-height: 115%;">Send a Tweet to US Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley asking
her to support increased financial pressure on corrupt Congolese officials and
their international facilitators until democratic elections occur.</span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18.75pt; margin-bottom: 15.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 15.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span class="apple-converted-space" style="background-color: transparent;"><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; line-height: 115%;">Please click on the following to send a </span></span><span style="line-height: 16.1px;">a Tweet to US Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley.</span><span style="line-height: 16.1px;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #555555; font-style: italic;"><a href="https://twitter.com/intent/tweet?original_referer=https%3A%2F%2Fenoughproject.org%2Fget-involved%2Ftake-action%2Fincrease-financial-pressure-to-prevent-more-violent-crisis-in-congo&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw&text=.%40nikkihaley%3A%20Increase%20sanctions%20%2B%20anti-money%20laundering%20steps%20on%20%23DRC%20leaders%20until%20democratic%20elections%20occur%20%23RDC&tw_p=tweetbutton&url=http%3A%2F%2Feno.ug%2F2ffaGsw" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">.@nikkihaley: Increase sanctions + anti-money laundering steps on #DRC leaders until democratic elections occur #RDC http://eno.ug/2ffaGsw</span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: x-large;"><b>Enough Project</b></span></div>
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OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-836035841580487532017-09-01T17:54:00.000+01:002017-09-01T17:54:11.522+01:00DRC: government must deliver on pledge to end child mining labour by 2025<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://plus.google.com/u/0/+IshiabaKasongack" target="_blank">DRC: government must deliver on pledge to end child mining labour by 2025</a></span></h2>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">01/07/2017</span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhWA7GnrZrC13OeBEs-W3cvevLZ5nc5hK4aZLRjbjTkXPQNf5tTkK79c0iAtcWfhzhqbJrWAUymvm-llzDI9bJyREDzsrGOiE0n46c8hH7BRpM-vS1KQsg07b2iT2ap45Xi-Zie_KPx6_UP/s1600/DRC+mining.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" data-original-height="331" data-original-width="548" height="241" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhWA7GnrZrC13OeBEs-W3cvevLZ5nc5hK4aZLRjbjTkXPQNf5tTkK79c0iAtcWfhzhqbJrWAUymvm-llzDI9bJyREDzsrGOiE0n46c8hH7BRpM-vS1KQsg07b2iT2ap45Xi-Zie_KPx6_UP/s400/DRC+mining.jpg" width="400" /></span></a></div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: inherit;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">For the first time, the DRC has acknowledged that children are working in artisanal cobalt mines</span></strong></div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: inherit;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">New government strategy responds directly to findings uncovered by Amnesty</span></strong></div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: inherit;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">This commitment must not be ‘another false dawn for children in the DRC’</span></strong></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">In response to the commitment made this week by the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to eliminate child labour in the mining sector by 2025, Seema Joshi, Head of Business and Human Rights at Amnesty International, said:</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin-bottom: 16px; widows: 1;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">“This commitment could mark a significant step on the road towards eradicating the scourge of children as young as seven working in the mines of the DRC.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin-bottom: 16px; widows: 1;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">“If delivered, it means future generations of Congolese children won’t spend their childhoods mining materials for our smartphones and electric cars, in dark, dirty and dangerous conditions.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin-bottom: 16px; widows: 1;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">“The government’s strategy responds directly to findings uncovered by Amnesty International and, for the first time, they have acknowledged that children are working in artisanal cobalt mines.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin-bottom: 16px; widows: 1;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">“These are encouraging developments, but the key now is implementation. Previous government promises on tackling child labour have come to nothing. We’ll be watching very closely to ensure this latest commitment isn’t another false dawn for children in the DRC.”</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin-bottom: 16px; widows: 1;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The announcement of the government’s new strategy on child labour was made by Minister of State for Employment, Labour and Social Welfare, Lambert Matuku Memas. He made the announcement at a workshop, held in Kinshasa on 30-31 August, in which the DRC government launched a new national strategy to remove children working in artisanal mining.</span></div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: inherit;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Background</span></strong></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">It is not known how many children work in mining in the DRC, but UNICEF estimated in 2014 that approximately 40,000 children worked in mines across southern DRC.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin-bottom: 16px; widows: 1;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Amnesty’s 2016 report on the use of child labour in cobalt mines in the DRC, written in partnership with Afrewatch, is available here:<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/afr62/3183/2016/en/" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: inherit; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">This is what we die for: Human rights abuses in the Democratic Republic of the Congo power the global trade in cobalt</a>. At this week’s workshop, the DRC government pledged to progressively implement all the recommendations listed in the report.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Cobalt is a vital component in the Lithium-Ion batteries that power most electronic gadgets and electric vehicles. More than half of the world’s cobalt is mined in the DRC.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b>Amnesty International</b></span></div>
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OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2536353948732809817.post-72354976848605960232017-08-23T08:33:00.000+01:002017-08-23T08:36:27.795+01:00Congolese Troops to Protect World's Richest Untapped Tin Deposit<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://plus.google.com/u/0/+IshiabaKasongack" target="_blank">Congolese Troops to Protect World's Richest Untapped Tin Deposit</a></span></h2>
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">23/08/2017</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The Bisie Tin Project’s Mpama North prospect in North Kivu</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"> in the eastern region of the DRC is one of the most </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">significant tin deposit in the world.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">The Democratic Republic of Congo has promised to help Alphamin Resources Corp. to protect the world’s highest-grade untapped tin deposit.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Construction of the mine has already started in a remote part of North Kivu, an eastern province, and Alphamin intends to have the $152 million project fully funded by the end of the year, Chief Executive Officer Boris Kamstra said Tuesday. A large part of the project’s success will depend on maintaining security in an region that hosts armed militia groups and eliminating illegal mining.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">“The DRC government has been hugely supportive in that we now have a very strong military presence in our area,” Kamstra told reporters at a Johannesburg briefing attended by North Kivu Minister of Mines Anselme Kitakya. “In essence we’ve got a military curtain between ourselves and the east of us which is largely unpopulated forest.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">A military and police presence will help make sure Alphamin can mine unhindered by local bandits, and authorities have also pledged to ensure stability following an upcoming national election. The vote was first due in November but has been delayed, meaning President Joseph Kabila has remained in power despite being required by the constitution to step down last year.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">There are also as many as 800 artisanal miners in the area and Alphamin is working with the government to move them to legal sites where small-scale mining is allowed, Kamstra told</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">The government has signed a treaty to define a framework for Grand Baie, Mauritius-based Alphamin to operate within its territory and any illegal mining activity will “resisted,” Kitakya said.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">As many as 15,000 diggers descended on Bisie, as the site is known, in 2008 when tin prices soared to more than $25,000 a metric ton, creating a clapboard town complete with bars, money lenders and brothels. The mine became the focal point for advocacy groups including Global Witness, which said the trade in minerals from eastern Congo that found their way into consumer electronics was driving war and violence.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">“It was the poster child for conflict minerals,” said Richard Robinson, managing director of Alphamin Congo. “We’re continuing to struggle with the criminal interests behind the artisanal trade” but the company is working closely with government officials to secure the site, he said.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">With more than 3.5 million tons of reserves at a grade of 4.3 percent of tin per ton, Bisie will deliver an internal rate of return of 49 percent, according to Alphamin’s <a href="http://alphaminresources.com/bisie-tin-project/" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(43, 0, 247); border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-width: 1px; box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">website</a>. That’s based on a tin price of $17,300 a ton. Tin has climbed about 40 percent since the beginning of 2016, and traded at $20,335 a ton in London on Tuesday.</span></div>
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<span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-style: italic;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b>Bloomberg</b></span></span></div>
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OCSNhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14832089458403424844noreply@blogger.com0